The military coup of March 1976 in Argentina ruptured the prevailing institutional order,
with the greater part of its repressive strategy built on clandestine practices and
tactics (death, torture and disappearance) that sowed fear across large swathes of
Argentine society. Simultaneously, the terrorist state established a parallel, de facto
legal order through which it endeavoured to legitimise its actions. Among other social
forces, the judicial branch played a pivotal role in this project of legitimisation. While
conscious of the fact that many of those inside the justice system were also targets of
oppression, I would like to argue that the dictatorship‘s approach was not to establish a
new judicial authority but, rather, to build upon the existing institutional structure,
remodelling it to suit its own interests and objectives. Based on an analysis of the
criminal and administrative proceedings that together were known as the Case of the
judicial morgue, this article aims to examine the ways in which the bodies of the
detained-disappeared that entered the morgue during the dictatorship were handled, as well
as the rationales and practices of the doctors and other employees who played a part in
this process. Finally, it aims to reflect upon the traces left by judicial and
administrative bureaucratic structures in relation to the crimes committed by the
dictatorship, and on the legal strategies adopted by lawyers and the families of the
Israeli security experience as an international brand
experience in conflict, urban warfare, and dealing with
terrorism. As an American journalist wrote: ‘everybody’s
favourite soldier of fortune is an Israeli with military
experience’ (Johnson 2010 : n.p.). To
illustrate this phenomenon, I will start with an example. A security
company owned by an Israeli in the United States (US) was asked to set
up security checkpoints in New Orleans after hurricane Katrina
A discourse view on the European Community and the abolition of border controls in the second half of the 1980s
possible unemployment facing border guards was a marginal issue in
the EC context. A predominant concern of the member states, various
MEPs, and the Commission, while willing to remove obstacles to
facilitate flows across the EC, was how to address crime, drug
trafficking, terrorism, and immigration in the absence of border
controls (European Parliament 1985a : 234;
European Parliament 1985b : 247, 249
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II
) surfaced as a
pan-European (and more generally Western) problematic. Presented as yet
another in a panoply of security measures within the ever-increasing
array of counter-terrorism policies, denaturalisation was emerging as
the favoured response of European countries (among which France,
Britain, and the Netherlands) and the United States (US) against
citizens departing their host states to fight, for
views coalesce into a vision of Islam as an ideology (as opposed to a religion)
which is (ab)used politically and strategically in the interests of internal oppression (‘Islam rules by fear and oppression’) and external aggression (extremism
and terrorism). This expression of hostility towards ‘Islam’, rather than ‘Muslims’
or any particular ethnic group, it is shown, is employed by activists to support
claims that the movement is ‘not racist’.
The second section of the chapter engages critically with such claims by considering specifically, and separately, hostility
Marie Beauchamps, Marijn Hoijtink, Matthias Leese, Bruno Magalhães and Sharon Weinblum
networked global terrorism, from emergency
management in the onslaught of tsunamis and hurricanes to oil wars in the
Middle East’ (Hannam et al. 2006 : 1), a
diverse range of concrete and abstract things have become highly global and
mobile. While such movement is often considered part and parcel of
modernity, it also brings about increased complexity that becomes enmeshed
with conceptualisations of threat – ‘it is discourses
of ‘experiments of
concern’ is found in the 2004 report Biotechnology Research in an Age
of Terrorism (National Research Council of the National Academies
1. Would demonstrate how to render a vaccine ineffective.
2. Would confer resistance to therapeutically useful antibiotics or antiviral
3. Would enhance the virulence of a pathogen or render a non-pathogen
4. Would increase the transmissibility of a pathogen.
5. Would alter the host range of a pathogen.
6. Would enable evasion of diagnostic/detection modalities.
7. Would enable the
reason, data on associations with Islam and associations with Muslims
were analysed separately in this study. This revealed that respondents frequently
emphasised that their hostility was towards Islam rather than Muslims and that
generalised anti-Muslim sentiments were often replaced by criticisms of what
respondents understood to be Islamic doctrine or teachings. Moreover, in contrast to the most frequent associations of Islam with extremism, terrorism and
violence found among the UK general population (Field, 2012: 150), the primary
tropes in associations with Islam
Individuality, identification and multidirectional memorialisation in post-genocide Rwanda
, ‘ “Destroy them to save us”: theories of genocide and the logics of political violence, terrorism and political violence’, Terrorism and
Political Violence, 24:4 (2012), 544–60.
17 Hatzfeld, A Time for Machetes, p. 208.
18 Ibid., p. 207.
19 B. B. Diop, Murambi: The Book of Bones (trans. F. McLaughlin)
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), p. 65.
20 Ibid., p. 101.
21 J. Hatzfeld, Into the Quick of Life: The Rwandan Genocide –The Survivors
Speak (trans. G. Feehily) (London: Serpent’s Tail, 2008), p. 8.
22 Ibid., p. 8.
23 Ibid., pp. 32–3.
24 Diop, Murambi
embattled accounts about the impact of ‘political correctness’ which
suggest a sense of whiteness under threat.
Multiculturalism and diversity in education
Anne Phillips (2007: 3) argues that in the early twenty-first century
‘Multiculturalism became the scapegoat for an extraordinary array of
political and social evils, a supposedly misguided approach to cultural
diversity that encouraged men to beat their wives, parents to abuse
their children and communities to erupt in racial violence’ – and she
could have added the threat of terrorism. Multiculturalism has also