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The military coup of March 1976 in Argentina ruptured the prevailing institutional order, with the greater part of its repressive strategy built on clandestine practices and tactics (death, torture and disappearance) that sowed fear across large swathes of Argentine society. Simultaneously, the terrorist state established a parallel, de facto legal order through which it endeavoured to legitimise its actions. Among other social forces, the judicial branch played a pivotal role in this project of legitimisation. While conscious of the fact that many of those inside the justice system were also targets of oppression, I would like to argue that the dictatorship‘s approach was not to establish a new judicial authority but, rather, to build upon the existing institutional structure, remodelling it to suit its own interests and objectives. Based on an analysis of the criminal and administrative proceedings that together were known as the Case of the judicial morgue, this article aims to examine the ways in which the bodies of the detained-disappeared that entered the morgue during the dictatorship were handled, as well as the rationales and practices of the doctors and other employees who played a part in this process. Finally, it aims to reflect upon the traces left by judicial and administrative bureaucratic structures in relation to the crimes committed by the dictatorship, and on the legal strategies adopted by lawyers and the families of the victims.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Israeli security experience as an international brand

experience in conflict, urban warfare, and dealing with terrorism. As an American journalist wrote: ‘everybody’s favourite soldier of fortune is an Israeli with military experience’ (Johnson 2010 : n.p.). To illustrate this phenomenon, I will start with an example. A security company owned by an Israeli in the United States (US) was asked to set up security checkpoints in New Orleans after hurricane Katrina

in Security/ Mobility
A discourse view on the European Community and the abolition of border controls in the second half of the 1980s

possible unemployment facing border guards was a marginal issue in the EC context. A predominant concern of the member states, various MEPs, and the Commission, while willing to remove obstacles to facilitate flows across the EC, was how to address crime, drug trafficking, terrorism, and immigration in the absence of border controls (European Parliament 1985a : 234; European Parliament 1985b : 247, 249

in Security/ Mobility
French denaturalisation law on the brink of World War II

) surfaced as a pan-European (and more generally Western) problematic. Presented as yet another in a panoply of security measures within the ever-increasing array of counter-terrorism policies, denaturalisation was emerging as the favoured response of European countries (among which France, Britain, and the Netherlands) and the United States (US) against citizens departing their host states to fight, for

in Security/ Mobility
Anti-Islam and anti-Muslim sentiments

views coalesce into a vision of Islam as an ideology (as opposed to a religion) which is (ab)used politically and strategically in the interests of internal oppression (‘Islam rules by fear and oppression’) and external aggression (extremism and terrorism). This expression of hostility towards ‘Islam’, rather than ‘Muslims’ or any particular ethnic group, it is shown, is employed by activists to support claims that the movement is ‘not racist’. The second section of the chapter engages critically with such claims by considering specifically, and separately, hostility

in Loud and proud
Open Access (free)
Security/ Mobility and politics of movement

networked global terrorism, from emergency management in the onslaught of tsunamis and hurricanes to oil wars in the Middle East’ (Hannam et al. 2006 : 1), a diverse range of concrete and abstract things have become highly global and mobile. While such movement is often considered part and parcel of modernity, it also brings about increased complexity that becomes enmeshed with conceptualisations of threat – ‘it is discourses

in Security/ Mobility
Open Access (free)
Passion and politics

reason, data on associations with Islam and associations with Muslims were analysed separately in this study. This revealed that respondents frequently emphasised that their hostility was towards Islam rather than Muslims and that generalised anti-Muslim sentiments were often replaced by criticisms of what respondents understood to be Islamic doctrine or teachings. Moreover, in contrast to the most frequent associations of Islam with extremism, terrorism and violence found among the UK general population (Field, 2012: 150), the primary tropes in associations with Islam

in Loud and proud
Open Access (free)
Individuality, identification and multidirectional memorialisation in post-genocide Rwanda

, ‘ “Destroy them to save us”: theories of genocide and the logics of political violence, terrorism and political violence’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 24:4 (2012), 544–​60. 17 Hatzfeld, A Time for Machetes, p. 208. 18 Ibid., p. 207. 19 B.  B. Diop, Murambi:  The Book of Bones (trans. F. McLaughlin) (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), p. 65. 20 Ibid., p. 101. 21 J. Hatzfeld, Into the Quick of Life: The Rwandan Genocide –​The Survivors Speak (trans. G. Feehily) (London: Serpent’s Tail, 2008), p. 8. 22 Ibid., p. 8. 23 Ibid., pp. 32–​3. 24 Diop, Murambi

in Human remains in society
Open Access (free)
Negotiating with multiculture

­embattled accounts about the impact of ‘political correctness’ which suggest a sense of whiteness under threat. Multiculturalism and diversity in education Anne Phillips (2007: 3) argues that in the early twenty-first century ‘Multiculturalism became the scapegoat for an extraordinary array of political and social evils, a supposedly misguided approach to cultural diversity that encouraged men to beat their wives, parents to abuse their children and communities to erupt in racial violence’ – and she could have added the threat of terrorism. Multiculturalism has also been

in All in the mix
Reordering privilege and prejudice

participation in British society of ethnic minorities and foster racism (Kundnani, 2004: 108; Abbas and Akhtar, 2005: 134). To its critics, therefore, multiculturalism constitutes a practice of excessive tolerance and benevolence towards disloyal, unassimilable, culturally 156 Loud and proud: passion and politics in the EDL different others and has been blamed by leading European politicians for a range of sociopolitical problems including crime, terrorism and urban segregation (Lentin, 2014: 1272–73). This thinking is epitomised in the Blair government’s adoption of

in Loud and proud