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Iver B. Neumann

legitimising speech act inside the discourse of the international law, but it spectacularly fails to legitimise the violence which follows its invocation. Serbia’s attempts to legitimise its stance as a warring state defending the idea of state sovereignty was represented as an anachronism. Indeed, in Kosovo, the end of the legitimate warring state was at stake. Where is the political entity that may

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

In the story of post-Cold War conceptual confusion, the war in and over Kosovo stands out as a particularly interesting episode. This book provides new and stimulating perspectives on how Kosovo has shaped the new Europe. It breaks down traditional assumptions in the field of security studies by sidelining the theoretical worldview that underlies mainstream strategic thinking on recent events in Kosovo. The book offers a conceptual overview of the Kosovo debate, placing these events in the context of globalisation, European integration and the discourse of modernity and its aftermath. It then examines Kosovo's impact on the idea of war. One of the great paradoxes of the war in Kosovo was that it was not just one campaign but two: there was the ethnic cleansing campaign in Kosovo and the allied bombing campaign against targets in Kosovo and all over Serbia. Serbia's killing of Kosovo has set the parameters of the Balkanisation-integration nexus, offering 'Europe' (and the West in general) a unique opportunity to suggest itself as the strong centre that keeps the margins from running away. Next, it investigates 'Kosovo' as a product of the decay of modern institutions and discourses like sovereignty, statehood, the warring state or the United Nations system. 'Kosovo' has introduced new overtones into the European Weltanschauung and the ways in which 'Europe' asserts itself as an independent power discourse in a globalising world: increasingly diffident, looking for firm foundations in the conceptual void of the turn of the century.

Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

scale of human suffering remains prodigious and that for as much good as they do, humanitarians frequently do little in terms of a net reduction in suffering and misery (think Haiti, Syria, Somalia, DRC, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, South Sudan). Much suffering – private violence, civil and gang wars, state predation, poverty, insecurity – is untouched by humanitarian intervention of any kind, yet this is everyday reality for billions of people. One function of the entire humanitarian enterprise might be to obscure root causes and allow those who, en

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order
Sergei Medvedev and Peter van Ham

-introducing the Catholic tradition of a ‘just war’. Neumann’s conclusions are unflattering for Western politicians, as he questions the morality of a no-own-losses war, which yields to the temptation of letting other people die instead. ‘Humanity’ was invoked in Kosovo as a political notion, a legal concept and, ultimately, as a speech act legitimising war and thereby replacing the legitimate warring state – but it has

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Jenny Edkins

calls social fantasy – to work.34 When a security issue arises, what is happening is not that external threats are being recognised or new dangers assessed. It is something quite different that is taking place. The inherent insecurity in the object concerned – generally the state – is being concealed. When something is impossible, one way of concealing that impossibility is to shift the blame somewhere else. During the Cold War, state insecurity in the West was blamed on the Soviet Union. The West would have been secure but for the Soviet threat. The impossibility of

in Change and the politics of certainty
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

could be adapted to a very positive role if socialist parties acquired power by constitutional means. This belief reached its apogee in Britain during and just after the Second World War. State planning helped to defeat Britain’s enemies and could, it was believed, win the war against ignorance, poverty and want at home. Social reformism was the dominant ideology throughout most of the post-war era

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign
Andreas Behnke

Charter, or it becomes, as authorised by the UN Security Council, an execution, sanction, or enforcement of international law. 12 War as a duel between states has been replaced by a discriminatory concept in which the warring state becomes a ‘criminal’ or rogue state. Although the UN Charter constitutes a major modification of the law of war, the Western imagination goes much

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

‘Popular Front’ in Azerbaijan, ‘RoundTable/Free Georgia’ in Georgia and the ‘Chechen National Congress’ in Chechnya) led to internal instability and eventually to internal war. State weakness can cause violence. Therefore, it may be assumed that rebuilding state capacities must be a high priority of new leaders. A quite unexpected lesson to be learned from the study of organised violence in Yugoslavia and the Caucasus is that this assumption is not necessarily true. This lesson pertains in the first place to unrecognised would-be states (the formally secondorder units

in Potentials of disorder
Weak empire to weak nation-state around Nagorno-Karabakh
Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher

, respectively, not by disciplined armies but by a motley gathering of entrepreneurs of violence, unprofessional volunteer fighters, nationalist believers and few (though decisive) professional officers and soldiers from the former Soviet army. The returning biznesmen-patriot 163 Jan Koehler and Christoph Zürcher type of ‘big men’26 proved to be the greatest challenge for stabilising post-war state institutions, particularly in the Armenian case where they returned victorious and were conscious of the fact that in any functioning state system their education, abilities and

in Potentials of disorder
Steven Fielding

constitutional change; indeed, given that it would only encourage nationalists, such a course was dangerous.55 Others were not so confident that nationalist support would disappear – but agreed its rise reflected problems general to the United Kingdom. In arguing for Scottish legislative devolution during the late 1950s, Mackintosh proceeded from the assumption that all Britons wanted to control the expanded post-war state bureaucracy. His solution was to create a number of elected sub-parliaments, to bring government closer to the people; these would enjoy responsibility for

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1