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Nicola McDonald

were directed against Jews (and closely linked to the accusations of ritual murder discussed by Miri Rubin in Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991) and Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (Yale, 1999)) and witches (see Richard Kieckhefer, European Witch Trials: Their Foundations in Popular and Learned Culture, 1300–1500 (London, 1976), passim and Reay Tannahill, Flesh and Blood: A History of the Cannibal Complex (London, 1975), pp. 92–107), as well as the Tafurs, a troop of hungry desperadoes who, at Antioch

in Pulp fictions of medieval England
Eric Pudney

believed to be a witch: Witch Hunting and Witch Trials (London: Kegan Paul, 1929), p. 114, footnote 2. Witchcraft in Elizabethan drama 77 survival rate of the romance plays that were frequently performed at the newly established public theatres at this time. Most of these plays, unfortunately, are no longer extant, but titles like Herpetalus the Blue Knight and Perobia (1574) and The History of the Solitary Knight (1577) leave little doubt that the plays bearing them were tales of knights errant and chivalry.64 One surviving example of this type of play is the

in Scepticism and belief in English witchcraft drama, 1538–1681
Eric Pudney

–328; Ewen, Witchcraft Hunting and Witch Trials; Macfarlane, Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England. 2 Kittredge, pp. 319–23; Sharpe, The Bewitching of Anne Gunter provides a book-length case study of one well-documented example. Witchcraft in Jacobean drama 131 respect. The theatrical representation of witches in the early part of James’s reign can be seen to complement (and compliment) his highly political interest in witchcraft, in view of the significance of the witch characters within the plays in which they appear. Above all, it is the way these characters become

in Scepticism and belief in English witchcraft drama, 1538–1681