A critical assessment of work effort in Britain in comparison to Europe

and 2013 owing to work-related stress increased by 24 per cent and the number lost because of serious mental illness doubled (Davies, 2014). Meanwhile, we know that workrelated well-being fell significantly between 2006 and 2012 according to multiple measures (Green et al., 2016). Long working hours and work intensification are frequently cited in media reports as the main causes behind the work-related stress epidemic. There is substantive evidence for the detrimental effects of long working hours on various aspects of health, especially in cases where workers are

in Making work more equal
‘Locals’ and ‘Moroccans’ in the Sainte-Foy-Bordeaux vineyards

identity, a phenomenon with multiple dimensions: certainly geographical, but also historical, cultural, symbolic, and maybe even poetical. In this chapter, we will mention, in addition to those who call themselves native, not only the peoples who came mainly from Morocco to work as farm workers in some of the Bordeaux vineyards in the 1960s and 1970s, but also those from Tunisia or Algeria. These workers settled there, and their families remain to this day. It is interesting to note that in the field of interethnic relations and international migration, the countryside

in Alternative countrysides
Implications for jobs and inequality

have grown. The greater use of business strategies that re-allocate workers across networked organisations has important implications for employment relations and for wages, job quality and inequality.1 More than a decade ago, in a series of important essays written with colleagues,  Jill Rubery drew attention to the blurring of firm boundaries and the fragmenting of work in the UK. Rubery was already a leading scholar of labour  market flexibility and the rise of temporary and contingent jobs in  Europe.  In the research on the fragmentation of work, she moved

in Making work more equal
Open Access (free)
Diversification and the rise of fragmented time systems

called free time or leisure time (Bittman, 2016: 529). More broadly, working time can be juxtaposed to workers’ own time or their (personal) life, as in formulations that refer to the challenges of work–life integration or balance (Fagan et al., 2012). Although the concept of working time is straightforward, it is difficult to find a plausible definition of flexible working time. As with all calls for flexibility, the notion of working-time flexibility derives most of its immediate appeal from an implicit contrast with its antonym – rigidity or inflexibility (Campbell

in Making work more equal

.2). It may be, as the writings of Aghion and colleagues (2011) suggest, that states intervene to raise the minimum wage as a direct response to a perceived erosion of trust and cooperation in labour markets (especially between workers and employers). The problem is that there is a strong tendency for a self-perpetuating dynamic such that, on the one hand, the higher minimum wage under stringent state control discourages the formation of trust (by limiting opportunities for workers and employers to build experience at cooperating in wage bargaining) and, on the other

in Making work more equal
Open Access (free)
A new labour market segmentation approach

This book presents new theories and international empirical evidence on the state of work and employment around the world. Changes in production systems, economic conditions and regulatory conditions are posing new questions about the growing use by employers of precarious forms of work, the contradictory approaches of governments towards employment and social policy, and the ability of trade unions to improve the distribution of decent employment conditions. Designed as a tribute to the highly influential contributions of Jill Rubery, the book proposes a ‘new labour market segmentation approach’ for the investigation of issues of job quality, employment inequalities, and precarious work. This approach is distinctive in seeking to place the changing international patterns and experiences of labour market inequalities in the wider context of shifting gender relations, regulatory regimes and production structures.

ever-retracting welfare state: benefits claimants, homeless people, single mums, sex workers and people with alcohol and drug dependency. For Anderson, modern nation states are imagined as ‘communities of value’. By this, she is referring not so much to ‘British values’-type debates 1 but to the ways in which some citizens are seen to matter – to be of value – because of acting and existing in good and proper (valuable

in Go home?

-less job creation), with flexible employment, characterised by fixed-term contracts, involuntary part-time and bogus self-employed, accounting for most of it. On top of these, and often intermingled with them, Italy also witnessed a great number of informal workers in the shadow economy. New hiring has taken place mainly through temporary work contracts, and the share of youth in temporary contracts is significant (Figure 14.1). At the end of 2012, only 21 per cent of new hiring contracts were open-ended, while 58 per cent were fixed-term, 9 per cent collaboration

in Making work more equal
Can commodification of labour be self-limiting?

need to ensure sufficient earnings to enable the ‘re-production’ of labour power – as Marx would put it – and to nurture labour by means of education, training and good health are thus shifted progressively onto the worker or the state.2 Commodification of labour thus understood follows from the progressive demise of the standard employment relationship. Jill Rubery is an authoritative voice in the literature opposing this demise (Rubery and Grimshaw, 2016; Rubery et al., 2015). She and her co-authors argue that commodification is being driven by increasing

in Making work more equal
Introduction and overview

, drawing on empirical case studies of employer practices and worker experiences, labour market segmentation theorists argued that employers and the wider economic conditions play a key role in shaping inequalities in the labour market via selective access to career and training opportunities (as in Doeringer and Piore’s (1971) model of primary and secondary labour market segments); changing responses to economic conditions that affect workers’ job queue prospects (Rubery, 1988; Sengenberger, 1981); under-investment in productive structures leading to low-wage, low

in Making work more equal