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Overriding politics and injustices
Vilho Amukwaya Shigwedha

In October 2011, twenty skulls of the Herero and Nama people were repatriated from Germany to Namibia. So far, fifty-five skulls and two human skeletons have been repatriated to Namibia and preparations for the return of more skulls from Germany were at an advanced stage at the time of writing this article. Nonetheless, the skulls and skeletons that were returned from Germany in the past have been disappointingly laden with complexities and politics, to such an extent that they have not yet been handed over to their respective communities for mourning and burials. In this context, this article seeks to investigate the practice of ‘anonymising’ the presence of human remains in society by exploring the art and politics of the Namibian state’s memory production and sanctioning in enforcing restrictions on the affected communities not to perform, as they wish, their cultural and ritual practices for the remains of their ancestors.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
James Breasted’s early scientific network
Kathleen Sheppard

professional. ROBERTS 9781526134554 PRINT.indd 177 03/12/2019 08:56 178 Communities and knowledge production in archaeology As with many field sciences, a degree in Egyptology alone did not give Breasted professional standing. Erman thus urged Breasted to go to Egypt ‘for the sake of his health and scientific future,’ and gave him an important task: collating inscriptions in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo for a massive dictionary Erman was writing (C. Breasted, 1943: 51). Understanding the importance of this fieldwork, Breasted scraped together money from a variety of

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
The case of Oscar Montelius and Italy
Anna Gustavsson

– ­influence the production of knowledge in a variety of ways. Such ideas were a reaction to earlier notions that (good) science is placeless (Livingstone, 2003: 1–5; Naylor, 2005: 2). To me, adapting geographical perspectives when writing histories of archaeology offers the possibility to add new perspectives and methods to a field (archaeology and its history) where these ideas are relatively new. As pointed out by Withers and Livingstone (2011: 1), a great number of aspects and themes of science can be analysed by thinking of knowledge production in geographic terms,4 and

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
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Clusters of knowledge
Julia Roberts and Kathleen Sheppard

sparked a revolution in writing archaeological histories. Those of us who felt there was still more to say – different people, different methods and different ideas to be investigated – now had an authoritative foundation from which to begin our work. The 1980s and 1990s saw an explosion of interest: workshops, seminars and conference sessions were organised; while many of these – most notably the Cambridge Critical History Sessions – remain unpublished, they did give rise to several important volumes (e.g. Christenson, 1989; Kohl and Fawcett, 1995; Díaz-Andreu and

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
Interactional strategies in late-nineteenth-century Classical archaeology: the case of Adolf Furtwängler
Ulf R. Hansson

. Three assistants are at my disposal, ever ready to obey all my commands (Furtwängler, 1965: 32f. no. 16, my emphasis). Work became even more satisfying when his superior Conze was not around: ‘Conze is in Paris and I reign alone’ (Furtwängler, 1965: 66 no. 31, my emphasis). Always working on several manuscripts simultaneously, writing very fast and seldom revising, he finished at least seven pages on a good day (Curtius, 1958: 214). The manuscript for the Berlin gem catalogue, for example (in the Antikensammlung PKB), is written in a fluent hand with very few later

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
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Archaeology, networks, and the Smithsonian Institution, 1876–79
James E. Snead

of the artifacts concerned (see, e.g. Figure 2.2). But a more typical example is a letter from Dr Moses Quinn MD, of Dalton, Georgia, indicating that he had seen ‘aboriginal remains scattered all over the country,’ but including no details (Quinn to Henry, 1 June 1878).6 Longer-term engagement with correspondents was rare. Only twenty-nine individuals wrote three or more times, but some of these correspondents were deeply interested in the project. One of these was Samuel B. Evans, of Ottumwa, Iowa. Evans was a journalist, writing for the Ottumwa Democrat, a

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
Felix Kanitz and Balkan archaeology
Vladimir V. Mihajlović

in the field, who created an elaborate Europe-wide network that produced and, following that, transmitted knowledge about the Roman past of Serbia. Through their work, Kanitz and his collaborators tucked their own liminality deep into the fold of Serbian archaeology. Thus, besides being the ‘veritable mine of rich and scholarly information’ the validity of which is beyond question, the work of Felix Kanitz has brought much more to Serbian archaeology: its theoretical and epistemological foundations.1 Note 1 In the course of writing this chapter Thea De Armond

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
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The first Dutch excavation in Italy, 1952–58
Arthur Weststeijn and Laurien de Gelder

few weeks, Salvatore Aurigemma, the head of the archaeological service, gave his authoritative verdict on the matter, writing to the Ministry of Education that he ‘recommends welcoming the proposal very favourably’. However, Aurigemma could not hide his concern about the expertise of the Dutch team, adding with academic understatement that he ‘was not aware of the specific technical knowledge on the matter of Vermaseren, to whom the Netherlands Institute intends to give the direction and the responsibility for the enterprise’ (ASSAR, busta 275.4). Apparently, this

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
Re-thinking Ludwik Fleck’s concept of the thought-collective according to the case of Serbian archaeology
Monika Milosavljević

Fleck’s contributions are original, even pioneering, in the field of epistemology (Löwy, 2008: 375). Fleck graduated from medical school at the University of Lviv. From 1920 to 1923, he assisted Rudolf Weigl, famous for his research on typhus. Fleck then went on to specialise in bacteriology in Vienna. From 1925 to 1927, he served as the head of bacteriological and chemical laboratories for the State Hospital in Lviv. He spent 1927 in Vienna, during the heyday of the Vienna Circle.2 From 1928 onwards, he continued his laboratory practice in Lviv, writing papers on

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology
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Antonín Salač and the French School at Athens
Thea De Armond

an assessment of Salač’s personal property. In this letter to the Ministry of Finance, Salač argues against that asssessment, relating the history of the fund and his role as its manager. 60 Vokoun-David was a philosopher, Orientalist and translator – as well as a librarian – whose Debate about Writing and Hieroglyphs in the 17th and 18th Centuries and the Application of the Idea of Decipherment to Dead Writings (Le Débat sur les écritures et l’hieroglyphe aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles et l’application de la notion de déchiffrement aux écritures mortes) inspired

in Communities and knowledge production in archaeology