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introduced to a receptive public. Indeed, for the high-profile ones (such as Salk's poliomyelitis vaccine) there was active demand from citizens. But such demand was also tempered by concerns about other risks, such as vaccine damage, convenience and financial sustainability. Thus, the public played a key role in shaping public health authorities’ priorities. The general trend was toward the increased use of vaccination, in terms both of the number of vaccines available and of percentage uptake among the population. This relationship between the

in Vaccinating Britain
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with the vaccine. The medical deliberations over the relative risks of vaccine damage and infectious disease were clearly the catalyst for the crisis. More importantly, however, these debates were rooted in anxieties about the role of the welfare state. The most prominent discussions were over the provision of financial compensation to the victims of vaccine damage. This was a product of renewed political interest in groups whose risks of poverty had not been successfully managed by the 1948 welfare state. 8 The public demanded protection from the risks of vaccine

in Vaccinating Britain
Disease, conflict and nursing in the British Empire, 1880–1914

frequently reiterated goal had always been to teach the Chinese to care for their own people. However, in locations administered to a greater or lesser extent by European powers, concerns surrounding the preservation of professional standards and racial boundaries, alongside an apparent commitment to improving local sanitary conditions, often took precedence over cost. Crisis provided an opportunity to ignore financial restrictions and justify longstanding objectives. It was perhaps internalised concerns surrounding cost, as well as a desire to capitalise on the associated

in Colonial caring
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cases could be counted on one hand, but the vaccination programme that achieved this decline did not eliminate polio overnight; nor was it without significant financial and logistical difficulties. This chapter focuses on the theme of demand. This was not unique to polio. As has been seen in previous chapters, the British public had come to demand health and other welfare protections from the government, particularly since the 1940s. There was active demand for emergency vaccination during smallpox epidemics. What set polio apart is that we see

in Vaccinating Britain
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foreign travel and laboratory accidents were a not-uncommon problem for post-war MOHs. The way in which these decisions were taken says much about the government's approach to the relative medical, financial and political risks of vaccination and disease. It also showed that the modern British vaccination system was forged by decisions not just about which vaccines to include, but also about which ones should be taken away. The recurring theme in debates and policy decisions about smallpox was the nation. The discursive relationship between the public and the nation

in Vaccinating Britain
Fighting a tropical scourge, modernising the nation

reported in 1942, in Sena Madureira, Acre, until urban yellow fever reappeared in 2008 in San Lorenzo, Paraguay. 42 However, the extensive presence of sylvatic (jungle) yellow fever – from Panama to Argentina and from Peru to Brazil – showed that it could adapt to a wide variety of ecologies. By 1940, the Yellow Fever Service, now run solely by Brazilians, had succeeded in eliminating Aedes aegypti over wide stretches of

in The politics of vaccination
The emergence of bioethics in British universities

vocationalism’ represented an assault on the notion of learning for its own sake.82 In spite of these protests, faced with severe financial pressure and fearing the consequences of ignoring the UGC’s guidance, most universities did protect the sciences and ‘downgrade’ their arts and humanities departments. Senior academics in these fields were encouraged to take early retirement and were not replaced, which made it easier for politicians and administrators to criticise shrinking departments as ‘weak and ineffectual’.83 By the end of the 1980s seven philosophy departments had

in The making of British bioethics

entrepreneurialism. It provided it with statistical accuracy and mathematical precision, qualities much valued in an era of financial speculation and globalisation. Lorna Wing’s ‘style of reasoning’ that viewed autism as an epidemiological entity defined by the absence of imagination and creativity, and the presence of scientific calculated precision, was the perfect acultural construction of

in The metamorphosis of autism