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supporters who command centre stage. In his memoirs, de Gaulle claimed that in making his stand in June 1940 he was entering ‘an adventure like a man thrown by fate outside all frames of reference’.2 It was his achievement as a myth-maker that he soon erected those ‘frames of reference’ through which all histories of the French in wartime Britain have been written since. There is strong irony that Britain, a country which in his incarnation as president of the Fifth Republic, de Gaulle denounced as a threat to both French and European interests, constitutes the refuge of

in The forgotten French
Open Access (free)
Reconstruction and reconciliation; confrontation and oppression

this time until the 1970s, the Federal Republic insisted on representing Germany alone, that is, to the exclusion of the German Democratic Republic, through the so-called ‘Hallstein doctrine’. The latter signified that only countries that did not have diplomatic relations with East Germany (excepting the Soviet Union) could have similar relations with West Germany. See e.g. Kissinger (1994, Ch. 18). Charles de Gaulle’s thinking on Europe evolved remarkably from his wartime exile to his presidency under the Fifth Republic. During and immediately MUP_Torbion_02_Ch2

in Destination Europe
Open Access (free)
La colonie Française

Gaulle might have helped his cause if he had made a greater effort to broaden his appeal. Yet his aversion to publicity was profound, ironical given the way that he would later play the media in the Fifth Republic. Not only did he want to protect his handicapped daughter Anne from unwanted attention, he had no wish to be manipulated by the British. Yet this reluctance also stemmed from his belief that, in taking his stand, he had adopted the only position possible, and thus commanded the moral high ground. Because of this, he needed to do little further to explain his

in The forgotten French
Open Access (free)
Communities, circumstances and choices

positive, that he could lead his people out of the abyss by the force of his dreams and theirs.52 Some fifty years after his flight to London, his voice of defiance still echoed. Commemorating the centenary of his birth in 1990, the Institut Charles de Gaulle conducted a sondage among the British public.53 Of those interviewed, the overwhelming majority recalled that he had been the leader of the Free French in London. Far fewer recalled his presidency of the Fifth Republic and, maybe surprisingly in these Eurosceptic times, the fact that he said non to Britain

in The forgotten French
Open Access (free)
Recovery and hubris; effervescence in the East

higher wage demands. Employers gave in, not least because labour was still relatively scarce (with unemployment in the OECD area standing at only about 5 per cent in the mid–1970s). After its peace agreement with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, or North Vietnam, the United States had, by 1975, withdrawn its troops from South Vietnam. The feared ‘domino effect’ – that is, the belief that if one country became communist, its neighbours and eventually the rest of the world would suffer the same fate – did not materialise. The United States, and the world in general

in Destination Europe

liberal Third Republic to authoritarian Vichy, then the liberal Fourth Republic, and finally de Gaulle’s and Giscard d’Estaing’s conservative Fifth Republic.75 But to Papon himself, no doubt, this was precisely the point: the duty of higher civil servants was to ensure the continuity of the state, whoever was politically in charge. In the same way, prosecuting counsel argued that Papon’s ruthless efficiency and personal ambition were evidence of his flawed personality because of the tragic consequences of his actions. Yet it is only fair to note that capable, ambitious

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000

after Clydeside was heavily bombed in March 1941, the reports concluded that industrial relations had actually improved. And once the Soviet Union had been attacked by Germany and was fighting for its very existence, there were no keener toilers for victory than the communists, wherever in the United Kingdom they lived. The vulnerability of Northern Ireland to enemy subversion was increased with the fall of France. In consequence four divisions of troops were stationed in the province to deter an incursion via the Republic. Anti-war ‘incidents’ began in the first days

in Half the battle

. The period of the Weimar Republic proved more challenging to his larger project and to preserving the authority of what turned out to be a genre in crisis. Like the fellow experts featured in the news magazine, Wulffen was a modern German mandarin. Fritz Ringer originally used the term ‘mandarin’ to reference the conservative nature of Germany’s academic and legal elite, yet Wulffen was part of an overlooked group of legal reformers who sought to change the legal system from within.3 This progressive German intellectual elite aimed to close the ever widening gap

in A history of the case study

eyes and ears of the Venetian State if not as its mouthpiece. They represented the Republic’s legitimate interest in the pursuit of heresy. In Venice, as in most states and societies, heresy was associated with disorder and subversion, especially if the suspected heretics were Venetians, Venetian subjects, or other Italians. Venetian authorities showed less enthusiasm for pursuing Germans, Flemings or Frenchmen denounced for heresy while visiting or sojourning in Venice. Baptised Jews from Spain or Portugal who came to Venice as approved Jewish traders received

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700
Legality and legitimacy

the various purposes of war crimes trials. The third section is a comparative examination of the establishment and functioning of the Nuremberg, Tokyo, Yugoslavian and Rwandan tribunals respectively. The fourth section highlights the principal features of the permanent international criminal court. The fifth section concludes with an assertion that that war crimes trials before international tribunals have moved closer and closer towards satisfying purer norms of legality and legitimacy. II National and international trials: an overview National war crimes trials

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000