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This collection interrogates the representation of humanitarian crisis and catastrophe, and the refraction of humanitarian intervention and action, from the mid-twentieth century to the present, across a diverse range of media forms: traditional and contemporary screen media (film, television and online video) as well as newspapers, memoirs, music festivals and social media platforms (such as Facebook, YouTube and Flickr). The book thus explores the historical, cultural and political contexts that have shaped the mediation of humanitarian relationships since the middle of the twentieth century. Together, the chapters illustrate the continuities and connections, as well as the differences, which have characterised the mediatisation of both states of emergency and acts of amelioration. The authors reveal and explore the significant synergies between the humanitarian enterprise, the endeavour to alleviate the suffering of particular groups, and media representations, and their modes of addressing and appealing to specific publics. The chapters consider the ways in which media texts, technologies and practices reflect and shape the shifting moral, political, ethical, rhetorical, ideological and material dimensions of international humanitarian emergency and intervention, and have become integral to the changing relationships between organisations, institutions, governments, individual actors and entire sectors.

negotiated formally outside the Arctic Council, but in close conversation and celebration with the forum. So, why did some of the earlier suggestions and interests of the ‘largest’ Arctic state fail to carry more weight in this Arctic diplomatic setting? This chapter suggests that such failed or drifting ideas give us a good indication of the impact of norms  –​shared understandings of appropriate and inappropriate interventions and behaviour –​in shaping what is accepted as a legitimate statement or policy option in the Arctic Council. Understanding the ways in which

in Arctic governance

nature, rather than historical constructions that can be steered by purposeful political interventions. Thus, the third and most important criterion for a successful critique of the Third Way is to show how what Giddens calls the ‘social revolutions of our time’ 1 can be taken in a more progressive direction by a revitalised politics of the Left. Contributors to this volume begin

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)

poverty by western states as the paradoxical outcome of their weakened capacity for social intervention due to the erosion of their political sovereignty by global pressures. The marked expansion of social control and the barbarity of its methods ultimately result from an ideology that champions the omnipotence of global markets. This chapter explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)

-​level Arctic identities. The idea of fields also draws attention to how the field participants are operating in a terrain that does not cater to all participants and all kinds of interventions equally well, making it easier to understand why an actor in the field may seek to innovate (and possibly equipping us better to understand how change happens). Revisiting the book’s four propositions on power The case-​study chapters explored four propositions distilled from cues from the broader literature on power relations in global governance Conclusion     127 from IR, political

in Arctic governance

Council. We first look at how debates around the ‘science–​policy interface’ manifest themselves more generally. When is discussion of scientific knowledge (or the presence/​autonomy of scientists) given weight at the high-​political level? Turning to indigenous diplomacy, we analyse and categorise Permanent Participants’ diplomatic interventions in the Arctic Council (which is, of course, just one stage upon which the multifaceted politics of indigenous sovereignty is enacted). In the concluding section, I discuss a concept borrowed from science and technology studies

in Arctic governance
Open Access (free)

Political Economy (1848), Mill was more sympathetic towards some degree of state intervention in society to deal with social evils, such as poverty, than were most midnineteenth-century liberals. He also supported trade unions and even ideas later seen as socialist, such as worker co-operatives. The improvement of social conditions would enable the working class to get better educated, become ‘rational human beings’ and so be

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)

, and the right to personal property. 24 Human rights fulfil three roles: they are the necessary conditions of the decency of a society’s institutions and legal system; upholding them averts any question of justifying foreign intervention in a people’s domestic affairs, such as trade sanctions or military force; and, they circumscribe the limits of reasonable pluralism among peoples. 25 Others give even greater emphasis to the

in Political concepts
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charge here is that, notwithstanding the abstract commitment to the importance of a prohibition on state intervention in the private sphere, liberal states have in practice regulated and controlled the family. 12 Not only has this practice been contrary to the fundamental principle of liberalism, it has been adopted in pursuit of a profoundly illiberal end: the perpetuation of patriarchy. While the state adopted this directly

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)

intervention in social policy is needed) nor just the statism of the Old Left (the private sector and non-direct forms of state intervention can have a role). A Third Way is pragmatic about policies – it can combine right and left or be something which is neither. Eric Shaw’s contribution ( chapter 4 ) casts doubt on whether pragmatism is the right word for this – if judged on results alone, the role of

in The Third Way and beyond