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An introduction

one hand, such theoretical interventions have derived support from critiques of a subject-centered reason and a meaning-legislating rationality, critiques that have thought through the dualisms of Western thought and post-Enlightenment traditions. On the other, critical discussions of cultures and pasts have equally challenged the analytical antinomies of modern disciplines, interrogating

in Subjects of modernity

intervention. This is not the important matter here. What is interesting, from a philosophical point of view, is the thrust of Rousseau’s response. As a true philosopher of freedom – albeit of a non-liberal sort – Rousseau praised the English system under which ‘no citizen is imprisoned in contravention of the law, his home is sacred’ (III: 875). Again this doctrine would have been unoriginal had it not been for Rousseau’s (in the true meaning of the word) ‘populism’. In advocating the referendum as an alternative constitutional safeguard he sided with the people – not with

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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An epilogue

alternative sexuality) interventions, signifying often rather different spatial and temporal assumption and imagination. In front of these developments, salient tendencies have redefined issues of art and literature, aesthetics and politics, and time and space in modernisms in South Asia. Here are two examples. The first concerns the narrative moment (and “movement”) from the 1970s onwards, which has posed

in Subjects of modernity

issues? This position has been defended by Arash Abizadeh especially, though the claim about the coercive nature of immigration law has been widely accepted (Abizadeh 2008 ). 7 I have subjected it to critique elsewhere (Miller 2010; 2016 : ch. 4). In brief, I suggest (a) that not all coercive interventions give rise to democratic rights (see note 6 above); and (b) in the case of immigration policy, it is important to distinguish between the policy itself being

in Democratic inclusion
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A pluralist theory of citizenship

taken by governments not only affect external populations’ interests but also subject them comprehensively to coercion in a way that fundamentally restricts their autonomy. This is most obviously true for military interventions and explains why these are legitimate only for purposes of self-defence or for humanitarian reasons. In such cases, the ASC principle would support our moral intuitions that states engaging in such forms of extra

in Democratic inclusion
Rousseau as a constitutionalist

until the American Revolution). Constitutionalism was re-born in England, albeit little by little. The need for independent judges to counter a potentially omnipotent king had been emphasised by George Buchanan as early as 1579 (Vile 1998: 34), and Robert Hooker had asserted in The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity that the king ought not to be judge in cases of felony or treason. Yet it seems difficult to sustain the view that these interventions were but peripheral to the development of constitutionalism. Thus it was not until after the English Civil War that modern

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau