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Learning from the case of Kosovo

violence between its two main ethnic groups or the ethics and legality of the NATO intervention there in 1999. Unlike other civil wars, the economic dynamics of this conflict have received much less attention in terms of academic investigations into the political-economy of conflict. However, the same economic processes and relationships which in both academic and policy circles are cited as impacting more ‘infamous’ war economies, such as those in Sierra Leone and Afghanistan, have been well documented by aid practitioners and policy makers as having impacted upon the

in Building a peace economy?
DSI approaches and behaviours

, and in ways which negatively impact upon the capacity of actors to positively transform economies, there is also a degree of heterogeneity in the response of operational actors. In other words, some actors have manoeuvred within and around the typical liberal modes of intervention and attempted to integrate more contextspecific, politically aware modes of programming with the aim contributing to the wider aims of positive transformation defined and described in Chapter 1. Whilst imperfect, these examples showed that innovation and attention to social, political and

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
War economies, peace economies and transformation

, but rather indicative of a faltering project of global governance which imperils its own success through its reliance of faulty, narrow conceptions and ideological commitments. 2 4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 3 Introduction While examining the failure of one particular policy area, war economy transformation, what emerges are wider conclusions applicable to the practices of development aid and peacebuilding more generally. At issue are the fundamental practices and theories of international intervention, which are exposed as

in Building a peace economy?
The nature of the development-security industry

economies and the operational features and trends which result from these ideological and conceptual tendencies. This chapter will explore the nature of the DSI along these three dimensions, assessing the ways in which the dominant features of this industry are known to impact upon peace, security and development interventions more generally. These characteristics of the DSI will in turn be used as a preliminary framework through which policies aimed at transforming war economies, including but not limited to those reviewed in forthcoming chapters, can be assessed in a

in Building a peace economy?
Managing the criminal facets of war economies

in the early days of the intervention. Consider the following assessment on the setting of priorities in Kosovo by one police officer: You look at the mission life, and what’s a priority in mission life, and it’s interesting, it all boils down to whoever is the commissioner of police or the SRSG, what their little personal thing in life is. And you can see what’s important in the mission. Every few months, we have the catch phrase of the month . . . Returnees . . . that always comes and goes, that gets to be the big issue. Domestic violence, got to be a big issue

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?

security threats, customs policies around the world emerge as key sites for the production of new criteria of statehood and new forms of sovereignty. Necessary to the state, these standards are neither developed nor controlled by national governments but involve the interventions of two international institutions: the World Trade Organization and the less well-known World Customs Organization. (2006: 243) Customs reform in Kosovo appears as a prime example of Chaflin’s description. Both the UN and new Kosovo service have been created and managed by representatives of

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

locked in negotiations aimed at not only reviving activities across the complex, but also ensuring this is done in a fair and transparent manner (Smith, 2009). The centrality of the market: liberal peacebuilding and the push for privatisation Since the end of the Cold War, developed and developing nations alike have undergone a deepening of privatisation, with this reform also being a central policy prescription in post-communist and post-socialist states. Indeed, privatisation has been a favoured tool of intervention in transitioning states as international

in Building a peace economy?

negotiated formally outside the Arctic Council, but in close conversation and celebration with the forum. So, why did some of the earlier suggestions and interests of the ‘largest’ Arctic state fail to carry more weight in this Arctic diplomatic setting? This chapter suggests that such failed or drifting ideas give us a good indication of the impact of norms  –​shared understandings of appropriate and inappropriate interventions and behaviour –​in shaping what is accepted as a legitimate statement or policy option in the Arctic Council. Understanding the ways in which

in Arctic governance

nature, rather than historical constructions that can be steered by purposeful political interventions. Thus, the third and most important criterion for a successful critique of the Third Way is to show how what Giddens calls the ‘social revolutions of our time’ 1 can be taken in a more progressive direction by a revitalised politics of the Left. Contributors to this volume begin

in The Third Way and beyond
Open Access (free)

poverty by western states as the paradoxical outcome of their weakened capacity for social intervention due to the erosion of their political sovereignty by global pressures. The marked expansion of social control and the barbarity of its methods ultimately result from an ideology that champions the omnipotence of global markets. This chapter explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies

in Political concepts