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Robert Andersen and Jocelyn A. J. Evans

presidential survey to update the analysis and presented a new model of political space at the electoral level – a tripartition into left, moderate-right and extreme-right political blocs – representing a radical departure from the traditional quadrille bipolaire, and exploding the bidimensional account into a series of cultural subdimensions. Employing these two datasets, together with the CEVIPOF legislative post-election survey from 1997 to update the analysis, we consider changes in the social and attitudinal determinants of political space since 1988. Our analysis takes

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Cas Mudde

comprehensive analysis of the basic elements of the radical right-wing populist program and the shifts in emphasis of its two main components’ (1994: 109), the actual analysis he provides is a rather general account on the basis of some election programmes and pamphlets of the various parties. While this might suffice to note ‘a’ shift in emphasis, it is hardly a solid basis for a meaningful classification. Putting the extreme right party family to the test As can be seen from this short overview, different scholars group different parties together and do this under different

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Gurharpal Singh

international developments. In the last decade much of the analysis of South Asian politics has been preoccupied with the rise of ethno-national movements – in Kashmir, Punjab, and the North-Eastern States, the emergence of the Hindu right (India), Sindh (Pakistan) and the Tamil–Singhalese conflict (Sri Lanka). Explanations of these movements have ranged from standard accounts of political management to those that question the very bases of political consolidation broadly understood as both institutionalization and statehood (Singh 2000). Inasmuch as these movements are

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Cas Mudde

feature of the party ideology. Various authors (e.g. Ignazi 1992; Betz 1994; Kitschelt 1995) have also stressed the salience of economic liberalism for extreme right parties. Indeed, some definitions of radical right (populist) parties come very close to the definition of neo-conservatism. As noted, however, these five parties do not in fact advocate ‘rightist free market economics’, as Kitschelt (1995: 2) argues, but rather support some form of welfare system, if only for their ‘own people’. Moreover, the two groups of parties differ even more fundamentally in that the

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Managing the plural left

Implications for the party system

David Hanley

rather have buried, as it had its own Mutuelle Nationale des Etudiants Français (MNEF) scandal to set alongside Tibéri and the Paris mairie. But it dared not revenge itself too heavily on the Greens, because they could cost it seats. The PCF position was always going to need subtle handling both by its leaders and the PS. The PCF could logically pose only as the radical pole of the coalition, seeking to drag it further towards progressive policies without being irresponsible, to criticise constructively without being disloyal. It had to be a Janus, sending a populist

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Beyond the mainstream

La gauche de la gauche

Jim Wolfreys

workers, anti-nuclear protesters joined contingents from anti-racist groups, unemployed and homeless associations and Act-Up, indicating that the frequently made distinction between the ‘old’ labour movement and the ‘new’ social movements is in fact far less clear-cut. After December a process of generalisation took place. This was partly due to the context of the demonstrations themselves, which reacted vociferously to the contrast between the Juppé plan and Chirac’s 1995 populist campaign theme of the fracture sociale. Subsequent protests by the sans associations and

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Alistair Cole

were all part of this trend. Chirac and Jospin, the prematurely ‘preordained’ second-round contenders, obtained only just over one-third of votes and one-quarter of registered voters between them. The corollary of this is the development of parties and movements which have defined themselves against the existing political elites, such as the FN, but also LO and the Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire (LCR). While these forces are marginal in the bipolar party system, they demonstrate the survival of a tradition of radical politics on the far left and extreme right

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Alex J. Bellamy

nationwide democratic party focused on bringing together all nation-building forces in all layers and classes of society, from the radical right through the moderate position to the revolutionary left.17 Tuœman saw himself as the personification of Croatian unity – through him national cleavages would be overcome. He tried to foster that unity through his party. The HDZ was founded illegally in June 1989 and announced its first political programme in 1990. It announced that it would be a pan-Croatian movement that would mobilise the entire nation by unifying the diverse

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Cas Mudde

primarily within the CDU/CSU or through non-party political movements (Jaschke 1994). In 1983 CSU leader Franz Josef Strauß supported a credit of over ten billion DM to the German Democratic Republic (GDR), in complete breach with the party’s long-term and radical opposition to any measures that might stabilise the GDR economy. Several members left the party in protest, among them two prominent Members of Parliament (MPs), Franz Handlos and Ekkehard Voigt. Together with Franz Schönhuber, a well-known Bavarian journalist, they founded a new political party on 17 November

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Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

Thatcher nevertheless had an ability to take the ideas of others and was adept at combining them with populist attitudes into a formidable political project. Mrs Thatcher’s political astuteness, personal charisma, toughness of character and luck in the weakness of her opponents both within and outside the party produced a period of radical transformation of the British political and ideological landscape in favour of ‘New Right