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’ of Silicon Valley. O’Hearn argues, for example, that US computer and pharmaceutical companies have set the tone for the ‘Celtic Tiger’, which has transformed the economic, social and cultural make-up of the country.12 Whether the economic growth of the ‘Celtic Tiger’ is perceived to have set the scene for the cultural transformation of Ireland, or conversely whether cultural development is thought to have set the scene for economic growth, we have here an argument that Ireland can be historically and economically placed as ‘American’. Recent Irish political and

in The end of Irish history?

such as Silicon Valley, or life sciences around Cambridge, UK, to see examples of firms in such economies behaving in decidedly ‘coordinated’, or at least networked, ways (Crouch, 2005). Such cases may be exceptions to the national rule, explained by local or sectoral specificities, or by the importance of state institutions in embedding activities in strategically important sectors. However, they nonetheless point to the need for a granular analysis of how national social structure shapes patterns of firm coordination. Equally, and importantly in so far as a

in Making work more equal
A critical reassessment

industry than during previous expansions.12 Ó Riain13 makes a more indirect argument about the effects of the foreign-owned sector on indigenous activity. He argues that there were ‘two globalisations’ in Ireland in the 1990s. One was the outward movement of US capital through Ireland and into Europe. The other was the development of a dynamic and globally oriented Irish indigenous sector, led by Irish entrepreneurs who were ‘globalised’ by their connections with TNCs in IT in places like California’s Silicon Valley. Ó Riain credits this Irish success to the flexible

in The end of Irish history?