Heterogeneous temporalities, algorithmic frames and subjective time in
stabilised and immutable knowledge, as against depicting the dynamics of change and history, could have been that the depiction of time has been a
neglected topic in geography.
While Latour sketches the role of graphic inscriptions in the epistemological
groundings of Western science, others have taken different critical positions
towards the ontic status of mapping itself. For example, Doreen Massey (2005)
describes how space in (Western) cartography became a static representation;
cleared from uncertainties and procedural knowledge, human movement and
: as Valerie November and her coauthors argue in their unpacking of the new understandings of space produced
by digital mapping technologies and practices, ‘no one and no thing ever resided
in the virtual image of the map’ (November, Camacho-Hübner, and Latour,
2010: 594). The map, as it has been imagined in the Western scientific tradition,
is lifeless; static; denying processes and temporality; cleaving time from space
to construct it. As Doreen Massey put it, the map is ‘the sphere of a completed
horizontality’ (Massey, 2005: 107). Denis Wood and John Fels take a
Mapping the space of flows 183
are mutable and flowing and no longer fixed in time and space as ink on paper is.
Writing has become liquid, and digital representations of meaning have begun to
pulse and flow at an ever-quickening pace that militates against the pause and traction,
concentration and reflection that meaning construction and knowledge production
demand, and that print culture could facilitate.
One is surely justified in wondering whether this emphasis upon the mapping
of flows, rather than, or in addition to, routes and static locations
from the smell.
individual sense rather
than a social sense?
Yes. Smells are generally
regarded as highly individual, especially in Western
contexts. We don’t know what each other smells,
but we also don’t have a shared vocabulary for
communicating smell knowledge, unlike in some
other cultures where smell
You’ve done smell mapping walks in
is a more intrinsic part of
many different countries with many
e veryday life.
different cultural settings, like
Singapore, Marseilles, Amsterdam,
Pamplona, New York or Ellesmere
Port. I know this is very tentative,
serves as a reminder of how pervasive
cartographic reason has been in Western thought and governance (and by extension, in everyday life); that disparate assemblages, cultures and things can be
convened and disciplined through geometric abstraction.
OSM user ‘Nigel’ sends a text to Ed, he can’t make it today, he is going to
the theatre in Yorkshire tonight; a long drive ahead. Participation at such events
is always precarious.
Ed was preparing an introductory talk on mapping techniques and editing
software for his Mensa colleagues and other interested mappers, of which
, technology acting from without and, on the other, politics and
society simply responding from within. The ‘deterritorialised’ forces of finance
(Wriston, 1988; Cerny, 1996; McKenzie and Lee, 1991), production and trade
(Porter, 1990; Reich, 1991) and culture (Fukuyama, 1992) are cast in opposition to the presumed territorial realities of state and society. States and societies
are consistently positioned as passive receivers of technological transformation. We are left with the impression that global restructuring is nothing more
than an effect of the ‘global process’ of
at the service of big-power management’ (Cox,
1996: 57). It is in this historical context, of US scholarship in the early 1970s,
that IPE was defined in a particular way, reflecting dominant modes of
thought and embodying a particular world view. Thus, Stephen Krasner has it
that ‘the achievements of international political economy have been generated
by an epistemology that conforms with the Western Rationalistic Tradition’
(1996: 122). We may consider early ‘orthodox’ IPE to follow the conventions of
rationality and positivist inquiry that were outlined in