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with a basic consensus on American exceptionality that previously united American elites. It is possible to list the main premises synthetically, without necessarily following the order of their presentation in the strategy: the international system is a space of permanent competition for power between sovereign states, which are responsible for the construction of a peaceful world order; the world is made up of strong, independent and sovereign nations, with their own cultures, values, ideas and dreams; American values are not universal and, though

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

victims. For a couple of decades it was successful in publicly challenging Western foreign policy in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia ( Duffield, 2007 : 51–4). Having once exercised a moral leadership, however, after a long struggle against donor absorption and UN control, an international direct humanitarian engagement finally yielded amid the horrors of Iraq and Syria. The War on Terror imposed limitations. Compared to the 1970s and 1980s, humanitarian agencies found their political room for manoeuvre significantly restricted ( BOND, 2003 ). At

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

specifically, the willingness of leaders, even those in supposedly liberal democratic states, such as the US, UK and Italy, to lie to the public or disregard evidence. Donald Trump is, of course, the most famous example of this phenomenon. According to the Washington Post fact checkers, in his first 600 days in office, President Trump made 5,001 false or misleading claims ( Washington Post , 2018 ). This disregard for facts is said to have contributed to a wider ‘post-truth’ political landscape in the US – that is, a culture in which empirical

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

critical humanitarian scholarship that highlights the tensions inherent within a humanitarian project that is centrally defined both by the idea of equality and by the idea of charity for distant others ( Fassin, 2012 ; Harrell-Bond, 2002 ). The article focuses on the work of the larger Western-based and civilian humanitarian actors – including UN agencies and international non-governmental organisations that are guided by the principles of humanity and impartiality. Such actors are not homogenous, and staff-security and civilian-protection practices vary across

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)

In 2002, the French party system seems to be demonstrating a fluidity, if not outright instability, equal to any period in the Fifth Republic's history. This book explores the extent to which this represents outright change and shifts within a stable structure. Portrayals of French political culture point to incivisme, individualism and a distrust of organizations. The book focuses on three fundamental political issues such as 'politics', 'power' and 'justice', which appear in almost all political discussions and conflicts. It identifies different 'types' of state in political theory and looks at the major challenges to practical state sovereignty in the modern world. Discussing the concept of the nation in the United Kingdom, the book identifies both cultural and political aspects of nationhood. These include nation and state; race and nation; language and the nation; religion and national identity; government and nation; common historical and cultural ties; and a sense of 'nationhood'. Liberal democracy, defensive democracy and citizen democracy/republican democracy are explained. The book also analyses John Stuart Mill's and Isaiah Berlin's views on 'negative' and 'positive' freedom. Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture. Liberalism has become the dominant ideology in the third millennium. Socialism sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Events have made 'fascism' a term of political abuse rather than one of serious ideological analysis. Environmentalism and ecologism constitute one of the most recent ideological movements.

The nature of the development-security industry

development institutions seem to be gravitating towards the criminalisation option. Close analysis suggests that this policy preference has more to do with the interests of Western powers regarding control and protection of their markets than with hard empirical evidence on levels of criminality. (2003: 71–72) Whilst the criminalisation of these economies will be discussed in greater 49 4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 50 Building a peace economy? detail later in this chapter, it is important to highlight here how the discourse surrounding

in Building a peace economy?
Managing the criminal facets of war economies

very unusual for a 3,000-men [unit] . . . a 3,000-men strong unit in [a western country], for example, would be commanded by one general and you would have about ten colonels. You have 300 colonels here. So, you know, we had, to put it short, we had warlords we had to deal with, they had to have positions where . . . the rewards are as they used to be, so they were given general level positions. (I17) In other words, Kosovo was given a security institution with an unsustainable structure based on the desire to appease warlords. There is also concern over the

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?

global governance missionaries’ (Hozic, 2006: 244). Customs is also seen as a way of preventing the spread of organised crime to Western Europe (Bruggman, 2001) and is further seen as another check against the threat of terrorism in the post-9/11 world (Chaflin, 2006; Heyman, 2004; Megoran, Raballand and Bouyjou, 2005; Walsh, 2006). However, customs assistance has not always had the desired effect and besides not bringing the expected economic benefits (Bartlett and Samardzˇija, 2000), the agenda of installing a modern customs agency based on neo-liberal economic

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)

Conservatism is one of the major intellectual and political strains of thought in Western culture over the last two centuries. Originating as something of a ‘reaction’ to the radical, liberal and, later, socialist movements during the early period of industrialisation in Britain and Europe, conservatism remains a powerful ideological force in Western societies today. We explore

in Understanding political ideas and movements

: 462–3). This dimension is not far removed from the much discussed 166 AREAS (but often loosely defined) issues of political culture that are thought to be central to the process of post-communist democratization. The character of this democratic culture is often associated with the beliefs and practices already well established in western Europe. Democratic development is often identified with Europeanization in this sense – the assumption of a consciously (west) European identity – and is in practice intimately associated with both structures and processes that

in Democratization through the looking-glass