depoliticising effect. SOS is an emergency initiative that nonetheless provides opportunity for people who seek to engage politically. JF: The arrival of more than one and a half million refugees and migrants on the shores of Europe since 2015 has tested the idea of a ‘humanitarian Europe’. It has tested the self-identity of many Europeans. To what extent do these younger activists see their political engagement as part of a struggle against ethno-nationalisms to define European identity? CAS: Switzerland is interesting in this regard. During the Yugoslav
worldview – where the suffering of strangers is a matter of concern, and a legitimate ground for principled intervention, for everyone – that humanitarianism and human rights enjoy full legitimacy. They are both morally grounded by the same ends, ends that have thrived under US-led liberal order for four decades (reaching their zenith from 1991 to 2011). During this time, both humanitarianism and human rights have provided a seemingly non-political (or perhaps ‘political’ not ‘Political’) outlet for religious and secular activists, many from the left
groups to respond to crises; it can cause confusion that leads audiences to ‘turn off’, not knowing who to trust; and it can play directly into the hands of those who would discredit journalists and activists. It is not clear exactly how online technologies will evolve and reshape humanitarian communications in the future. But we know that, in our new information ecology, trust is more vital than ever before. We must support media institutions and citizens as they seek out trustworthy sources. Bibliography Allcott , H. and Gentzkow
. Legal obligations and political opportunities can account for some of the differences but do not tell the whole story. Other differences are best explained as a consequence of differential tolerance of casualties. Distinct Threats and Vulnerabilities Different categories of civilians face different threats in different contexts and may be characterised by different vulnerabilities. For example, land activists have been particularly targeted in Colombia, and women are at greater risk of sexual violence than men in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Within the category
Taking its starting point from a socio-anthropological study combining biographical interviews, semi-structured interviews and ethnographic observations collected between 2016 and 2018 in Germany, France and the United States among Ovaherero and Nama activists, and also members of different institutions and associations, this article focuses on the question of human remains in the current struggle for recognition and reparation of the genocide of the Ovaherero and Nama from a transnational perspective. First, the text shows the ways in which the memory of human remains can be considered as a driving force in the struggle of the affected communities. Second, it outlines the main points of mismatches of perspective between descendants of the survivors and the responsible museums during past restitutions of human remains from German anthropological collections. Third, the article more closely examines the resources of Ovaherero in the United States in the struggle for recognition and reparation, the recent discovery of Namibian human remains in the American Museum of Natural History in New York City and the questions that it raises.
). 66 See Wikipedia ( 2015 undated). 67 CRTC, Unlimited Music Service, 2016. The two competing complaints filed by rival activists were items 2 and 4: In the Videotron case, the #4 wireless carrier in one province (Quebec) is trying to increase music streaming usage by doing non
’ on QoS. Thus, institutional contexts remain important, and understanding depends on development of new analytic models that: Identify the manner in which governance and legitimacy emerge socio-technically; Employ analysis of power, including the power of policy networks and the significance of discourses as developed by activists, individuals, the media and governments; Avoid justifying
cultural debate: ‘It is now time for scholars and activists to move beyond the crabbed vocabulary of competition law to develop a richer normative critique.’ He sums up the issue: ‘As robust American competition law fades into a secluded corner of legal history, essential facilities doctrine still remains, for some scholars, a ray of hope for intermediary responsibility.’ 13 The