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who had been free with her body, and finds Talmudic legitimacy for not requiring the man to return to his fiancée. R. Yehudah ben Moshe ha-Cohen of Freiburg vociferously opposed the behavior of the young man and the ruling of R. Yitzhak ben Moshe. He sent letters ‘to every city,’ calling on them to defend this young woman in particular, and all those Jewish girls who had fallen victim to Christian coercion. His call is answered by other leaders, who in turn sent out their own letters: R. Yehudah ben Moshe ha-Cohen, R. Meshullam ben David, R. David ben Shealtiel, R

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
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‘If they treat the Indians humanely, all will be well’

to personal liberty, and protection of property and life’. 1 On rights of property, the model laws decreed that the land must be obtained by treaties, which would be unacceptable unless there were adequate reserves for Aborigines. Indigenes should possess all the privileges of British subjects, and be taxed and treated by law as such. In systems of justice, everything should be done in negotiation

in Equal subjects, unequal rights

the course of the twelfth century and became far more complex, requiring a different sort of arrangement. During the course of the First Crusade (1096), the Jewish communities that were under the protection both of the emperor and of the bishops, who served as his representatives at the head of cities, were subjected to murderous attacks. The Christians violently forced Jews away from their religion and compelled them to become Christians; those who refused were either murdered or killed themselves as martyrs.1 One of the leaders of the Jews called upon the emperor

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
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Agency and selfhood at stake

, Neudecker, Zaner, Hoffmaisters Ursel and Hopffens Els[se], all falsely, through coercion as they have all told me, and begged me [to forgive them] for God’s sake before their sentences were executed … they knew nothing but good and nice things about me. They were forced to say it, just as I myself would experience. 40 Both those who accused Junius and Junius himself were

in Male witches in early modern Europe

attempting to make a firm distinction between political theory and claims of conscience, for most in the political elite (in particular those involved in parliamentary politics and successive national administrations) the inter-related questions of the security of the established Protestant church and its rights of jurisdiction (and coercion) over the laity were fundamental. It was impossible to critique the nature of the monarchy without drawing implications for the status and authority of the Church, or the rights and duties of subjects or citizens. As we have seen, it

in Republican learning

relate to perennial questions, frequently discussed, such as matters of personal status (divorce and levirate marriage), interest, and inheritance. However, new questions also arise, concerning both the halakhic subject matter and issues of self-definition. Should one mourn for an apostate who has died or for his son, and how? Should one accept an apostate who wishes to return to Judaism, and if so how? These issues pertain to the identity and self-definition of the Jew who remained a Jew despite all difficulties. The general attitude was that the graver the overall

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
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Conclusion As previously noted, revisionist historians view the royal state as ruling Old Regime France by means of compromises with national and regional elites, sharing authority with them and protecting their interests in return for their loyalties. This study has tried to show that the administration of Louis XIV had after all an authoritarian core, especially in its relations with the parlements. Absolute government, whatever ornate compromises decorated its multiple facades, rested on an authoritarian foundation. With respect to our topic, the critical

in Louis XIV and the parlements

tiers et danger, most recently in a decree of 11 August 1667. However, the forest ordinance of 1669 cancelled these exemptions, and the edict of 1672 ordered Norman proprietors to pay arrears of as much as thirty years. A royal commission had already begun to assess both tiers et danger and franc-fief taxes, while also trying to collect from all the officials subject to the heredity of office edicts. Inevitably, the Vialet partners administered all the edicts.48 The commission operated under the authority of the forest ordinance and despite the refusal of the Parlement to

in Louis XIV and the parlements
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of the mid- to late-nineteenth century assessed the political rights of Indigenes and both the overt violence–coercion of other modes of settler–colonial rule and the entrenched discrimination that continues to characterise settler societies today. Colonialism had a particular face in colonies such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa where large numbers of British and other European settlers claimed a stake in

in Equal subjects, unequal rights
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Sovereignty and registration of the laws

treated the king’s new laws. Jean Bodin, the most incisive political thinker of sixteenth-century France, identified the giving of laws to all subjects without their consent as the hallmark of sovereignty, by which he meant supreme, permanent power in the state. In France, sovereignty belonged to the king, so that legislative sovereignty coincided with royal sovereignty, or puissance absolue. Bodin also said that sovereignty could not be divided, shared or delegated. On the surface, magistrates of the Parlement of Paris accepted all of this and periodically, sometimes

in Louis XIV and the parlements