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in which he is said to engage (Walker 1998 : 131). But Narayan's analysis disturbs the feminist dichotomy between rights-holding autonomous man and the relational subject. Narayan points out that the rights-discourse – the contractual focus on relationships between equals, and on agents as independent, separate and mutually disinterested – was only part of the

in Recognition and Global Politics

empires. This understanding of recognition makes clear the link between free political deliberation amongst citizens and a coercive economic mode of production. The political, the sphere of freedom (citizenship, deliberation, plurality) is bound to the economic, the sphere of unfreedom (slavery, domination). What mediates the two is force, coercion, which at times is open violence

in Recognition and Global Politics
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. Nixon’s policies in Vietnam were publicly supported by Heath and, even in the face of stern criticism from other European leaders, Heath remained resolute in his support. Nixon’s détente policies were also publicly supported and US–UK interaction in a number of other areas continued. Intelligence cooperation was a continual feature of the relationship and Heath revitalised US–UK nuclear cooperation. The upgrading of Polaris was a subject that saw continual discussion amongst US–UK policy-makers, and the final decision to upgrade Polaris (in November 1973) confirmed

in A strained partnership?

about the way political and economic goods should be distributed. 28 Legitimacy, violence and extraction An analysis of historical sociology shows that centralisation, monopoly of violence, impersonal bureaucratised practices and legitimacy are all limited and contested. The hallmark of Weberian theory is to see the state through the lens of the institutionalisation and legitimation of the means of coercion which grants the state the organisational capacity to administer the population of a particular territory (Weber 1978: 54–6). Territory and rule, backed by force

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

do not go away, they become even more relevant. The argument advanced is that resistance cannot be accounted for in Manichean ways. After all, ‘there are not good subjects of resistance’ (Colin Gordon cited in Scott 1985: vii). Staying away from analyses along the ‘unmanly’ divides of ‘good’ and ‘evil’ is to recognise the contradictions embedded in social and political action (Nietzsche 1997: 100). 194 Resistance and everyday order in world politics Manichean analyses, as Mbembe argues, have a particular legacy in Africa, as part of ‘a moral economy – whose power

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
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Resistance and the liberal peace: a missing link

material inequalities need to be taken into account, resistance cannot be seen ‘as the agency of the powerless against the powerful, in which the latter are irresistible for the former’ (2012b: 26). Instead, echoing Mitchell’s previous works, ‘many ways of resisting should be viewed as a shared dynamic, or as a reflexive tension, in which all actors are simultaneously objects and subjects of change and must negotiate, shape or help to determine the nature of this change’ (Richmond and Mitchell 2012b: 26). Although they are right in pointing out that resistance is not an

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
A view from below

Foucauldian theory of resistance’ (2014: 55). As has already been stated, an all-encompassing theory of resistance is impossible without losing nuance and insight. What is needed is an account that is able to offer a clear delimitation of what resistance is, who the subjects of resistance are, what their object is and what means they use. It needs to provide understanding about the intentions, motivations, acts and actors that resist in a relation of domination. The everyday framework of resistance does that by establishing the pattern of acts of individuals and collectives

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

were subjected to a tribute or slavery system (Kankwenda 2005: 283–5; Muiu and Martin 2009: Ch. 6; Vansina 1966: 118–19). Importantly, not all of these identities had to do with access to land and power; they also had to do with norms, customs and roles within different groups and were not all territorially linked. Additionally, it would be wrong to see ethnic divisions only in terms of animosities or as clear cut. The 82 History and present of ‘Africa’s World War’ long history of the DRC, including the pre-colonial period, is defined by cohabitation (Vansina 1966

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making