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who had been free with her body, and finds Talmudic legitimacy for not requiring the man to return to his fiancée. R. Yehudah ben Moshe ha-Cohen of Freiburg vociferously opposed the behavior of the young man and the ruling of R. Yitzhak ben Moshe. He sent letters ‘to every city,’ calling on them to defend this young woman in particular, and all those Jewish girls who had fallen victim to Christian coercion. His call is answered by other leaders, who in turn sent out their own letters: R. Yehudah ben Moshe ha-Cohen, R. Meshullam ben David, R. David ben Shealtiel, R

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe

the course of the twelfth century and became far more complex, requiring a different sort of arrangement. During the course of the First Crusade (1096), the Jewish communities that were under the protection both of the emperor and of the bishops, who served as his representatives at the head of cities, were subjected to murderous attacks. The Christians violently forced Jews away from their religion and compelled them to become Christians; those who refused were either murdered or killed themselves as martyrs.1 One of the leaders of the Jews called upon the emperor

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe

relate to perennial questions, frequently discussed, such as matters of personal status (divorce and levirate marriage), interest, and inheritance. However, new questions also arise, concerning both the halakhic subject matter and issues of self-definition. Should one mourn for an apostate who has died or for his son, and how? Should one accept an apostate who wishes to return to Judaism, and if so how? These issues pertain to the identity and self-definition of the Jew who remained a Jew despite all difficulties. The general attitude was that the graver the overall

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
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The change in mentality

so on; this same scale of values was likewise emphasized with regard to the religion and its symbols.1 Since Christianity declared its desire to convert the Jew to Christianity by means of economic temptation, theological persuasion, and even by violent coercion, Jewish efforts concentrated upon intensive processes of socialization in order to protect itself against these attempts.2 Thus, among all the Goldin, Apostasy and Jewish identity.indd 112 20/08/2014 12:34:47 Conclusions: The change in mentality 113 forms of (social) deviation, the most serious was

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
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,’ and as such unfit for testimony. Thus, even if he repented for having been a Christian, at the time that he saw what happened he was an ‘evildoer’ and, according to Rashi, is unable to give testimony. Hence, if an apostate Jew married a woman, and both she and all the witnesses were forced converts, the marriage is valid, and if they wish to divorce he must give her a Jewish divorce writ. All of these ‘Christianizers’ are considered as Jews because ‘An Israelite who sins—is nevertheless an Israelite’; moreover, these people did so under coercion and ‘their hearts

in Apostasy and Jewish identity in High Middle Ages Northern Europe
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Middle English popular romances has been characterised by a thinly – if at all – veiled repugnance to the romances themselves, not only to their poetic form but their subject matter and the medieval audience who is imagined to enjoy them. As Arthur Johnston has demonstrated, it is in the middle of the eighteenth century, with the publication of the first modern editions, that the study of Middle English romance is born; more recent analysis by John Ganim, Nick Groom and David Matthews has exposed the ideologies latent in much of that early work and I build on their

in Pulp fictions of medieval England