Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation

4 The political economy of French social democratic economic policy autonomy 1997–2002: credibility, dirigisme and globalisation Ben Clift Introduction: the crisis of social democracy The U-turn of French Socialism in 1983 saw a retreat from egalitarian redistribution, full employment and social justice as the priorities of economic policy. A prolonged period of ideological and programmatic flux ensued. The manifest failure of a decade of Socialist Government to make any impression on the soaring unemployment figures was devastating. This, acting in tandem with

in In search of social democracy

donor governments has at least generally come with certain stipulations about human rights and relative autonomy for international relief NGOs in the field. The Chinese have no such agenda, and governments in the Global South have come to understand this perfectly. In short, there is no need to apply to Washington or Brussels when making the same application to Beijing comes at a considerably lower cost in terms of what has to be conceded vis-à-vis humanitarian access, let alone human rights guarantees. The advent of a multipolar world poses an

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

. Having devoured, since the 1970s, the last areas of economic and institutional autonomy still outside of itself ( Sloterdijk, 2013 ), other than profitably recycle the precarity it now produces in abundance, so to speak, late-capitalism has no other future. Incorporating the Wired Slum For decades, the global South’s huge informal economies have dwarfed conventional economic activity ( Dunaway, 2014 ). Enabled by connectivity, the long downturn has encouraged late-capitalism to move beyond the South’s enclaves and the special economic zones

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Critical reflections on the Celtic Tiger

Sexual images and innuendo have become commonplace in contemporary advertising; they often fail to register in any meaningful way with the audience. This book examines the essentially racist stereotypes through which Irish people have conventionally been regarded have been increasingly challenged and even displaced perhaps by a sequence of rather more complimentary perspectives. The various developments that are signified within the figure of the Celtic Tiger might be considered to have radically altered the field of political possibility in Ireland. The enormous cuts in public expenditure that marked this period are held to have established a desirable, stable macroeconomic environment. The Celtic Tiger shows that one can use the rhetoric about 'social solidarity' while actually implementing policies which increase class polarisation. The book discusses the current hegemonic construction of Ireland as an open, cosmopolitan, multicultural, tourist-friendly society. The two central pieces of legislation which currently shape Irish immigration policy are the 1996 Refugee Act and the Immigration Bill of 1999. The book offers a critical examination of the realities of the Celtic Tiger for Irish women. Processes of nation state formation invariably invoke homogeneous narratives of ethnicity and national identity. To invoke a collective subject of contemporary Ireland rhetorically is to make such a strategic utopian political assumption. For the last few hundred years, the Gaeltacht has exemplified the crisis of Irish modernity. Culture becomes capital, and vice versa, while political action increasingly consists of the struggle to maintain democratic autonomy in the face of global market forces.

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Paradoxes of hierarchy and authority in the squatters movement in Amsterdam

This book is an ethnographic study of the internal dynamics of a subcultural community that defines itself as a social movement. While the majority of scholarly studies on this movement focus on its official face, on its front stage, this book concerns itself with the ideological and practical paradoxes at work within the micro-social dynamics of the backstage, an area that has so far been neglected in social movement studies. The central question is how hierarchy and authority function in a social movement subculture that disavows such concepts. The squatters’ movement, which defines itself primarily as anti-hierarchical and anti-authoritarian, is profoundly structured by the unresolved and perpetual contradiction between both public disavowal and simultaneous maintenance of hierarchy and authority within the movement. This study analyzes how this contradiction is then reproduced in different micro-social interactions, examining the methods by which people negotiate minute details of their daily lives as squatter activists in the face of a funhouse mirror of ideological expectations reflecting values from within the squatter community, that, in turn, often refract mainstream, middle class norms.

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Governmental power and authority in democratic ecological governance

2579Ch7 12/8/03 11:56 AM Page 181 7 Where the buck stops: governmental power and authority in democratic ecological governance Ecological governance and the authority of government The preceding chapters analysed what Sweden has done, and how far that country has come, in creating structures and processes of governance for the sustainability of the commons and the autonomy of the individual within the limits of democracy. One conclusion is that while the logic of ecological rationality may seem attractive in terms of sustainability and autonomy when laid

in Sweden and ecological governance

, however, some form of effective centripetal sovereign authority rooted in distinct territories was arrived at by historical trial and error as being necessary (if not sufficient) for the democratic resolution of deepseated conflicts among competing interests and values. Some minimal overall level of endogenous structural coherence and exogenous structural autonomy has been required for stability and effective governmentality. Thus what we instinctively think of as ‘modern democracy’ has been built on the presumption that the underlying ‘society’ that is to be

in Democratization through the looking-glass

2579Ch6 12/8/03 11:55 AM Page 148 6 Democracy and ecological governance – a balancing act Sustainability and democracy: a political dilemma Legitimising the balance between sustainability and autonomy; the need for democratic politics As pointed out in Chapter 1, this book builds on the normative argument that ecologically rational governance must strive for sustainability within the limits set by democracy and individual autonomy. The relationship among these values is quite complex. On the one hand, effective and in the longer term successful ecological

in Sweden and ecological governance

(ACS) approach as broadly republican, concerned with individual and collective self-government by those who have a stake in the polity's future because of the circumstances of their lives. “Citizens are stakeholders in a democratic political community insofar as their autonomy and well-being depend not only on being recognized as a member in a particular polity, but also on that polity being governed democratically” (p. 41). Thus the essay

in Democratic inclusion
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alternative – to the liberal philosophy of toleration. In this chapter I suggest that laïcité is a confusing concept because it is internally complex, and appeals to values and concerns that tend to be kept separate in Anglo-American liberal political theory. I identify three main strands of laïcité: neutrality (laïcité A), autonomy (laïcité B), and community (laïcité C). I attempt to situate each of them in the historical context of its emergence, and to offer an analytical elucidation of its relevance to the issues raised by the headscarves affair and to wider debates

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies