of Irish money remained within Ireland and ‘establish a financial centre for their interests’. 43 At a later date, Ernest Blythe would describe the rationale behind its foundation as a means to prevent ‘the national struggle from being turned into a land war’. 44 However, the co-operative structure applied to this banking institution demonstrated a serious level of commitment to the pursuit of co-operative principles beyond idle talk.
The Dáil appointed Lionel Smith-Gordon as the bank's managing director. Born in England and educated at Eton
societies played a central role in the organisation of rural work even if this occurred outside the official circuits of power. The ability of the movement to exert influence within the governmental structures of the Irish Free State reveals the significance attached to tracking the development of interstitial movements and ideologies in a larger process of nation-state building.
The co-operative movement's evolution in Ireland demonstrated long social and cultural continuities. The establishment of the IAOS in the late nineteenth century led to a
structure … an exploitation which had been carried forward into the first half of the post-independence period’. Not until Ireland became an enthusiastic supporter of the European Community in the 1970s did this dependency start to recede. 6 The impact of nationalism, Catholicism and anti-intellectualism also counted as defining characteristics of government in Ireland. 7 However, co-operative ideas, developed through systematic economic experimentation aligned to a network of societies, also defined Irish social and political life.
Dresdner Gelehrte Anzeiger newspaper printed articles discussing variously
how to make an alcoholic spirit out of carrots, the importance of hour-glasses
for pulpits in Protestant churches, and how the internal make-up of a pine-tree
caterpillar was structured. A wealth of discourses materialised which may
seem faintly ridiculous today, but which symbolised the Enlightenment sense
of intellectual exploration, and the overwhelming urge to explain rather than
This is well illustrated by the published exchanges between a spice trader
named Tobias Conrad Hoppe
supportive networks and a reputation for honest
trading, Quaker families were able to build substantial banking and
manufacturing empires. Initially, their economic interests were so tied
up with the slave trade that active involvement was inevitable, but in
the course of the eighteenth century this became increasingly untenable.
Unable to make the moral compromises of more orthodox churches, the
banking he held senior positions
in a major oil company and in one of the largest banks in the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Having joined the League of Communists of
Yugoslavia in 1959, he held a succession of important party positions, culminating in the presidency of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), an amalgamation
of the League and the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Serbia. In 1989
he was elected President of the Presidency of the then Socialist Republic of
Serbia (now the Republic of Serbia). In 1990, he was
independence of the Baltic states
have been in danger, together with that of states which many in Russia
would now call the ‘near abroad’, i.e. the other successor republics to
the Soviet Union? (The latter soon joined together in a loosely structured
Community of Independent States as a result of Russian prodding.)
Would Central and East European countries again have risked coming
under Russian sway? Would economic reforms have been undone?
Would the thousands of new private enterprises that had been formed
have been forced into liquidation? Even with Yeltsin winning, would
war-damaged Berlin university in 1945
In the west, much of the old system seemed to endure. Nazism,
the Second World War, the defeat, and the occupation did not alter
the basic order that had been established during the nineteenth
century. The organisation, the faculty divisions, the internal hierarchy
of subjects – in all essentials, the structure remained the same.
Nevertheless, people also faced a number of significant challenges
in the western zones of occupation. Several comparatively small
university towns, such as Marburg, Göttingen, and Tübingen, were
credit societies failed to perform their primary function. 61 Furthermore, the Raiffeisen model failed to make inroads into the Irish credit market on account of the better-suited and longer-established joint-stock banking institutions. 62
The Great War exposed the precarious position of co-operative credit in Ireland. At the outbreak of the war the DATI and Congested Districts Board (CDB) withdrew the loan capital they lodged in the credit societies. This action led the IAOS to bemoan the fact that the withdrawal of these loans would ‘have a