-systematically. Even as
humanitarian authority presupposes structured reasoning and methodical
organisation, its mandate is still viewed through the lens of personal
impulse and independence. Improvising in the midst of chaos, testing the
limits of one’s endurance and ingenuity, following gut instinct even or
especially when it flouts the rules: these are the core stories that
acquaint the industry with its
of Irish money remained within Ireland and ‘establish a financial centre for their interests’. 43 At a later date, Ernest Blythe would describe the rationale behind its foundation as a means to prevent ‘the national struggle from being turned into a land war’. 44 However, the co-operative structure applied to this banking institution demonstrated a serious level of commitment to the pursuit of co-operative principles beyond idle talk.
The Dáil appointed Lionel Smith-Gordon as the bank's managing director. Born in England and educated at Eton
societies played a central role in the organisation of rural work even if this occurred outside the official circuits of power. The ability of the movement to exert influence within the governmental structures of the Irish Free State reveals the significance attached to tracking the development of interstitial movements and ideologies in a larger process of nation-state building.
The co-operative movement's evolution in Ireland demonstrated long social and cultural continuities. The establishment of the IAOS in the late nineteenth century led to a
Migrants were economic agents, whether as labourers, consumers or traders.
Bearing and exchanging goods, however conceived, involved exchanging values, especially when exchanges have been in inter-cultural contexts. The impact
of early modern trade can be no less evident than in the example of inter-
continental dispersion and circulation of species of flora and fauna stimulated by
colonialism. But, then again the length and strength of the chains of connection
that finance lubricated –even before the rise of Italian banking –is surprising
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis
growth, prescribing all
those initiatives where priority is given either de facto or by choice of policy.
Thus EMU and the introduction of the Euro on 1 January 1999 within the European banking system (for public use since January 2002), together with accompanying and/or supportive measures such as the Stability and Growth Pact
(SGP), and the Action Plan endorsed in Amsterdam (emphasising rule simplification and the consolidation of the single market programme).21 Competition
rules were to be simplified and surveillance and enforcement structures modernised in
banking systems and
communications technology. These processes and relationships point to the
complex and globally integrated nature of war economies, challenging images
of war economies as simply being the direct economic transactions between
combatants and traders within a given conflict zone – a complexity that will
be further considered throughout this book.
Conceptualising a peace economy and transformation
At this point, it is useful to consider how a war economy can be distinguished
from its natural antonym – a peace economy. In the most basic sense, the two
structure … an exploitation which had been carried forward into the first half of the post-independence period’. Not until Ireland became an enthusiastic supporter of the European Community in the 1970s did this dependency start to recede. 6 The impact of nationalism, Catholicism and anti-intellectualism also counted as defining characteristics of government in Ireland. 7 However, co-operative ideas, developed through systematic economic experimentation aligned to a network of societies, also defined Irish social and political life.
privatisation, a process which has been pushed through despite serious
concerns over legality, political impacts locally and regionally and potentially
sowing the seeds for future conflict. Both of these processes limit positive
transformation – with the former facilitating the growth of new conflict
economies, and the latter creating structures which favour already powerful
actors, while pushing others further towards the informal and illicit
However, what was found in this research is that while there were indeed
cases where the DSI favoured processes which
transactions between civilisations are, on the whole, deeper than many of the major accounts in comparative sociology and world history have suggested. It is contended here that
civilisations are made meaningful at points of intersection. Processes of creation
of structures, beliefs, modes of learning, identities and forms of belonging gain
impetus in the rhythms and tempos of interaction instituted by imaginaries. This
is not to suggest that primarily endogenous modalities of life have no influence,
but rather that those modalities are animated by cross-fertilisation and
in Latin America
and Central Asia. While illustrating limited degrees of success, statistical
evidence requires us to remain sceptical of the DSI’s effectiveness in this field.
Reports on the growth of the opium trade in Afghanistan point to the inability
of the NATO coalition to eradicate this fundamental structure of
Afghanistan’s war economy; while there are reports of overall reductions in
some parts of the country, many areas, including those with the greatest
levels of violence, continue to register high or even increased levels of production. Reports from