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The PRIA experience

4 Building community-based research capacity with communities: the PRIA experience Mandakini Pant Introduction Indian society has been traditionally divided into endogamous hereditary groups (castes) ranked by ritual status. The castes in lower hierarchy were historically associated with ritually impure occupations such as killing, handling of animal cadavers or night soil. Social distance from upper castes was maintained by restrictions of contact and commensality with members of upper castes. Castebased positioning created caste-based inequalities. Marginalized

in Knowledge, democracy and action

’Neill, 2010 ). And building such relationships requires not only time but human resources with interpersonal, communication and negotiation skills. Although those annual security trainings were an opportunity to remind colleagues that implementing an acceptance strategy required budgeting and planning, only once in five years was I able to train operations managers in headquarters on negotiating access. ‘Security is everyone’s responsibility’ was another mantra at departure-preparation awareness-raising sessions. If everyone was responsible for their own behaviour and for

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

picture of engagement in practice, revealing murky social dynamics in some encounters, including aggressive appeals for collaboration, top-down decision-making and a lack of accountability ( Calain and Poncin, 2015 ; Carrión et al., 2016 ; Cohn and Kutalek 2016 ; Gomez-Temesio and Le Marcis, 2017 ; Oosterhoff and Wilkinson, 2015 ; Tengbeh et al. , 2018 ; Wilkinson and Fairhead, 2017 ; Wilkinson et al. , 2017 ). Building on this work, our ethnographic case studies aim to understand the sources and contingent nature of the legitimacy of a large

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

member suggested that this expectation was shared by the local population, recalling: ‘When I was in the bush, people from the community even asked me “but you work for MSF, why are you with us?” … I thought MSF was supposed to look after us. But, they left us.’ Others had a more nuanced view, acknowledging that, unlike organisations with only a few local employees, MSF could not be expected to evacuate its 240 staff and their families. Still, the remarks pointed to differing views on the responsibility and capacity of an international NGO to protect its staff and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

diagnosis, building in constant prototyping, tolerating failure and changing institutional incentives to counter professional mental models and rule-based thinking ( ibid .: 192–3). The aim of adaptive design is to correct the cognitive biases of aid managers while, through increasing bandwidth, encouraging the agency, auto-projectising and self-acting capacities of the precariat. Important here is strengthening the empathy of managers while improving the users’ experience of the system. The Humanitarian Policy Group’s ( HPG, 2018 ), A

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From the Global to the Local

-approved ‘reforms’. 3 This ‘catastrophic’ decision ( AFP, 2018 ) was widely denounced around the world as a form of collective punishment against the Palestinian people ( Bachner, 2018 ; Dumper, 2018 ). By the end of August 2018, when the US Government announced its decision to completely defund UNRWA, commentators identified this as part of a strategy to force Palestinian refugees to rescind the Right of Return to Palestine (a right set out in UNGA Resolution 194). 4 Many noted that undermining the Agency’s capacity to deliver relief and services

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Community–university research partnerships in global perspectives

This book is based on a three-year international comparative study on poverty reduction and sustainability strategies . It provides evidence from twenty case studies around the world on the power and potential of community and higher education based scholars and activists working together in the co-creation of transformative knowledge. Opening with a theoretical overview of knowledge, democracy and action, the book is followed by analytical chapters providing lessons learned and capacity building, and on the theory and practice of community university research partnerships. It also includes lessons on models of evaluation, approaches to measuring the impact and an agenda for future research and policy recommendations. The book overviews the concept of engaged scholarship and then moves to focus on community-university research partnerships. It is based on a global empirical study of the role of community-university research partnerships within the context of poverty alleviation, the creation of sustainable societies and, broadly speaking, the Millennium Development Goals. The book frames the contribution of community-university research partnerships within a larger knowledge democracy framework, linking this practice to other spaces of knowledge democracy. These include the open access movement, new acceptance of the methods of community-based and participatory research and the call for cognitive justice or the need for epistemologies of the Global South. It takes a particular look at the variety of structures that have been created in the various universities and civil society research organizations to facilitate and enhance research partnerships.

Regional elections and political parties

elections or to pack regional assemblies with their own appointed officials (we discuss these points in chapter 9).37 A new and worrying development is the creation of a number of governors’ parties which were first created in the run-up to the 1999 Duma elections. The creation of these artificial top-down ‘parties of government’ have been a major blow to the development of grassroots democracy in the regions. As Slider notes, these governors’ blocs were in effect, ‘antiparty parties’ set up specifically to preclude effective national party building in the regions.38

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
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Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 115 6 Privatisation: liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies related commodity governance schemes are meant to bring economic gains for individuals, groups and the state in a fair and neutral way, diminishing the possibility that economic resources will become a source of violent contestation. Ultimately, the transformation of war economies requires that assets, whether they be tangible (such as diamonds) or opportunities (in the form of business prospects), be transparently and

in Building a peace economy?

them to function in public space with determination. Institutionalized gender-based inequalities and pressures disempower them. Training interventions, besides orienting them to governance procedures and programmes and imparting requisite functional skills, should also underscore the importance of gender sensitization. A gender transformative capacity-building approach would contribute towards building gender-sensitive institutions where both women- and men-elected representatives, despite their different needs, priorities and aspirations, contribute to development

in Knowledge, democracy and action