1 Dave Morland Anti-capitalism and poststructuralist anarchism1 Introduction Social anarchism has a long reputation as a disparate and incoherent ideology. Commentators, sympathetic and objective alike, have frequently accused social anarchism of being too diverse to constitute a singular, recognisable ideology at all (Chomsky, 1970; Miller, 1984; Ball and Dagger, 1991). To a degree this is true: social anarchism is a loose and diverse ideology that may be too elusive for some commentators to categorise neatly and clearly. However, other commentators, myself

in Changing anarchism
Core historical concepts reconsidered

14 Economic democracy instead of more capitalism: core historical concepts reconsidered Adrian Zimmermann Introduction ‘“More capitalism” or “economic democracy” are . . . the signposts at the crossroads where the Swedes will have to make a choice during the 1980s’, the Swedish political scientist Walter Korpi wrote in 1983 (Korpi 1983: 3). Today we know only too well where the journey went and not only in the stronghold of social democracy in the North. Everywhere in Europe the social democratic left was driven back into defensive positions during the 1980s

in In search of social democracy
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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

than how it ought to be . In celebrating the positive demand for empathy, humility and resilience, adaptive design supplants the call for systemic change. This conservatism is an example of how a progressive neoliberalism ( Fraser, 2017 ) is dissolving and sapping the powers of resistance ( Han, 2010 ). The excessive positivity of adaptive design, its endless willingness to happily fail-forward into the future, suits the economic logic of late-capitalism. 2 To draw this out, it is necessary to first review the latter’s greatest achievement

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade], were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask ‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it also be expected to respect human rights

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

disillusioned with the truncated horizons of the New Left and resigned to the triumph, for a generation or two, of welfare capitalism ( Meiksins Wood, 1995 ). Before this, global humanitarianism had been a largely religious exercise, an extension of Christian ministry ( Barnett, 2011 ), while human rights barely registered on the world stage ( Moyn, 2010 ). From the 1970s on, the humanist international became a place where disillusioned rebels could continue to work, albeit in a new idiom, for those who suffered. They ceased working to any great extent on their

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Current policy options and issues

the dizzying array of initiatives being launched and take a moment to assess them, it is plain to see that the majority of current CSR initiatives pose no real threat to corporate interests or global capitalism’ (Turner, 2006: 383; see also Macdonald and Macdonald, 2010; Zulu and Wilson, 2009). If we are concerned with the creation of a positive peace economy as a long-term goal, the ways in which the MNCs operate in a globalised capitalist market would also need to be addressed. Rule of law and security reforms Unlike the study of CSR, which has received much

in Building a peace economy?
The nature of the development-security industry

political and economic values to which political actors and citizens must comply (Cramer, 2003b; Pugh, Cooper and Turner, 2011). This peacebuilding consensus is based on a number of beliefs related to the pacifying effect of liberal structures. For example, as Cramer notes, economic aspects of the liberal peacebuilding consensus are largely based on the belief that capitalism and free markets ‘tie people up with the relatively benign business of money making, thus diverting them from the more nefarious activities of seeking power and making war’ (Cramer, 2003b: 152

in Building a peace economy?
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Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

were under communist or socialist economies. Social provision is the role of political actors, not economic actors. What is pertinent here is that that the push for privatisation is part of a wider set of goals which will complete and confirm the victory of capitalism and which is based on the liberal belief that such forms of economic reform will encourage global security through economic integration and interde122 4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 123 Privatisation pendence. In this sense, privatisation has little to do with

in Building a peace economy?
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Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?

left over from communism, with capitalism existing nearby’ (I43, emphasis added), illustrating how the transition to and acceptance of the new system is in no way complete. The wars in Yugoslavia served to deepen and widen these tendencies as shortages of goods created a great demand for smuggled goods and instability provided an environment in which evasion of authorities was relatively unproblematic. Furthermore, geographically, the Balkans has always proved to be site of irregular trade. Its position between Europe and the Ottoman empire left it as 148 4062

in Building a peace economy?
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The Global Public and Its Problems

This book argues that John Dewey should be read as a philosopher of globalization rather than as a 'local' American philosopher. Although Dewey's political philosophy was rooted in late nineteenth and early twentieth century America, it was more importantly about the role of America in a globalized world. The book highlights how Dewey's defence of democracy in the context of what he denotes as the Great Society leads him to confront the problems of globalization and global democracy. Then, it explores how Dewey's conception of creative democracy had global connotations. The book examines how Dewey problematized his own conception of democracy through arguing that the public within modern nation states was 'eclipsed' under the regime he called 'bourgeois democracy'. Then, it shifts the terrain of Dewey's global focus to ideas of global justice and equality. The book demonstrates that Dewey's idea of global democracy was linked with an idea of global equality, which would secure social intelligence on a global scale. It outlines the key Deweyan lessons about the problem of global democracy. The book shows how Dewey sets out an evolutionary form of global and national democracy in his work. Finally, it also outlines how Dewey believed liberal capitalism was unable to support social intelligence and needed replacing with a form of democratic socialism.