Dave Morland

1 Dave Morland Anti-capitalism and poststructuralist anarchism1 Introduction Social anarchism has a long reputation as a disparate and incoherent ideology. Commentators, sympathetic and objective alike, have frequently accused social anarchism of being too diverse to constitute a singular, recognisable ideology at all (Chomsky, 1970; Miller, 1984; Ball and Dagger, 1991). To a degree this is true: social anarchism is a loose and diverse ideology that may be too elusive for some commentators to categorise neatly and clearly. However, other commentators, myself

in Changing anarchism
Core historical concepts reconsidered
Adrian Zimmermann

14 Economic democracy instead of more capitalism: core historical concepts reconsidered Adrian Zimmermann Introduction ‘“More capitalism” or “economic democracy” are . . . the signposts at the crossroads where the Swedes will have to make a choice during the 1980s’, the Swedish political scientist Walter Korpi wrote in 1983 (Korpi 1983: 3). Today we know only too well where the journey went and not only in the stronghold of social democracy in the North. Everywhere in Europe the social democratic left was driven back into defensive positions during the 1980s

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design
Mark Duffield

than how it ought to be . In celebrating the positive demand for empathy, humility and resilience, adaptive design supplants the call for systemic change. This conservatism is an example of how a progressive neoliberalism ( Fraser, 2017 ) is dissolving and sapping the powers of resistance ( Han, 2010 ). The excessive positivity of adaptive design, its endless willingness to happily fail-forward into the future, suits the economic logic of late-capitalism. 2 To draw this out, it is necessary to first review the latter’s greatest achievement

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

Agreement on Tariffs and Trade], were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask ‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it also be expected to respect human rights

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

disillusioned with the truncated horizons of the New Left and resigned to the triumph, for a generation or two, of welfare capitalism ( Meiksins Wood, 1995 ). Before this, global humanitarianism had been a largely religious exercise, an extension of Christian ministry ( Barnett, 2011 ), while human rights barely registered on the world stage ( Moyn, 2010 ). From the 1970s on, the humanist international became a place where disillusioned rebels could continue to work, albeit in a new idiom, for those who suffered. They ceased working to any great extent on their

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Paul Currion

the Challenges of Humanitarian Experimentation’ , International Review of the Red Cross , 99 : 1 , 319 – 44 , doi: 10.1017/S181638311700042X . Schumpeter , J. A. ( 2003 ), Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy ( London : Routledge ). Scott-Smith , T. ( 2016 ), ‘ Humanitarian Neophilia: The “Innovation

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Digital Bodies, Data and Gifts
Kristin Bergtora Sandvik

Data Capitalism and Data Citizenship’ , Television & New Media , 20 : 4 , 412 – 19 Silk J. ( 2004 ), ‘ Caring at a Distance: Gift Theory, Aid Chains and Social Movements’ , Social and Cultural Geography , 5 , 229 – 50 . Stirrat R. L. and Henkel

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Current policy options and issues
Jenny H. Peterson

the dizzying array of initiatives being launched and take a moment to assess them, it is plain to see that the majority of current CSR initiatives pose no real threat to corporate interests or global capitalism’ (Turner, 2006: 383; see also Macdonald and Macdonald, 2010; Zulu and Wilson, 2009). If we are concerned with the creation of a positive peace economy as a long-term goal, the ways in which the MNCs operate in a globalised capitalist market would also need to be addressed. Rule of law and security reforms Unlike the study of CSR, which has received much

in Building a peace economy?
The nature of the development-security industry
Jenny H. Peterson

political and economic values to which political actors and citizens must comply (Cramer, 2003b; Pugh, Cooper and Turner, 2011). This peacebuilding consensus is based on a number of beliefs related to the pacifying effect of liberal structures. For example, as Cramer notes, economic aspects of the liberal peacebuilding consensus are largely based on the belief that capitalism and free markets ‘tie people up with the relatively benign business of money making, thus diverting them from the more nefarious activities of seeking power and making war’ (Cramer, 2003b: 152

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies
Jenny H. Peterson

were under communist or socialist economies. Social provision is the role of political actors, not economic actors. What is pertinent here is that that the push for privatisation is part of a wider set of goals which will complete and confirm the victory of capitalism and which is based on the liberal belief that such forms of economic reform will encourage global security through economic integration and interde122 4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 123 Privatisation pendence. In this sense, privatisation has little to do with

in Building a peace economy?