performances. I release the intervention illuminated in
the choreography of Martha Graham into conditions in which speech was
rendered impossible by economic, legal and political frameworks.
Gumboot dance developed as a method of communication within
systems of racial segregation in which speech was prohibited. Verbal
communication was not allowed in the gold mines, nor were black
South Africans allowed to enter the public sphere, hence their opinions and voices were silenced. I argue that the development of gumboot
dance allowed for two parallel processes: firstly, the
ethnographic film-making could be a more complex process than some of its advocates had anticipated. Gaining general consent to make a film was one thing, but arriving at agreement on exactly who or what should be in the film and how this should be presented was another. For although a film-maker might well be able to find certain areas of common interest with their subjects, the overlap was rarely total and disagreements could therefore arise. Moreover, it was often the case that in the communities where ethnographic film-makers worked, as with all human communities, there
can control scandal reporting once it has gathered momentum.
Perhaps the mechanisms of the hounding – which are, after all,
acknowledged – are not good, but unfortunately the course of events
cannot be halted. The process is beyond the control of individual
actors. When I later listened to the interviews, the lines of argumentation made me think of the political term TINA, the acronym for
the expression ‘There Is No Alternative’. The following pages will
investigate the significance of this fatalistic conviction in detail.
Undignified behaviour and a lack of
1980 to 2010 (Allern et al. 2012; see also Thompson
2008:106–18 for a discussion of the general increase in the West).
Scholarly descriptions of the reasons for the increase in frequency
are part of a picture of the industry with which we are nowadays
quite familiar, where an increased number of actors and intensified
competition – as well as convergence – among different media in
an increasingly digitalised and competitive media market lead to a
type of journalism that to an ever greater extent rests on a commercial
rather than an ideological basis, sales figures
In contrast to the cast of the melodramas of D. W. Griffith, the cast of
was entirely indigenous, mostly Kwakw a k a ’wakw. The actor who played Motana was George Hunt's son, Stanley. A number of Hunt's other relatives also had named roles in the film. As many of the leading actors were from noble lineages, the process of casting was a particularly delicate matter since the
its most academic manifestations.
In the mid-1950s, Gardner returned to Harvard where he had studied for his first degree and enrolled on a Masters programme in anthropology. It was at this time that Gardner began working with John Marshall on the editing of the latter's Ju/’hoansi material, including the most celebrated of Marshall's films,
, though his precise role in this process remains a matter of controversy
they felt that it would have inhibited this process of first-hand discovery that they decided to do without a voice-over commentary. Yet although specifically intended to evoke the experience of ethnographic fieldwork, when the film was first screened to an audience of anthropologists, it was greeted with catcalls and derision. It was only later, once the Observational Cinema approach had become more established, that it came to be recognised as a pioneering example of an approach to ethnographic film-making that required the audience to do its own looking rather
of equipment that Haddon had taken with him to Mer Island more than three decades before. Conceptually, Boas's project was also much the same as that of Haddon and indeed had certain resonances with the even earlier work of Regnault, as described at the beginning of this chapter. Based at Fort Rupert (known as Tsaxis in Kwagulth, the dialect of the local subgroup of Kwakw a k a ’wakw), Boas recorded around 45 minutes of material on a range of topics including ceremonial dance, music, chiefly competitive oratory, shamanic activities, games and some craft processes
photographic images are counterposed to the paintings in the
royal residences and Downing Street. Their thematic purposes are
multifold, but they mark a dramatic progress in which Diana –
effectively portrayed as pretender to the throne – is supplanted in the
televisual frame by the Queen, who is initially identified with the
milieu and iconography of fine art. Only when this process has been
scenes while we were shooting. That’s to say,
we would cover up some of the words where possible to save time
and money later in the process. Probably wouldn’t do this now.
Th e ci nem a of Ol iver S to ne
In relation to cable television
Stone: The television sales market has changed. I’m not up-to-date
on it, but cable is now in any case the main purchaser of shows.
Network television is much less subversive in terms of sex and language than cable. However, there are still pressures even with cable
that can be applied to material. In the case of Comandante