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national interests ( ibid .: 25–6): 1) Russia and China, the two great ‘revisionist powers’; 2) North Korea and Iran, two ‘rogue states’ that undermine geopolitical equilibrium in Northeast Asia and the Middle East; 3) ‘Jihadist terrorist groups’ and international criminal organisations that propagate violence and traffic drugs and arms. The document offers an extensive list of actions to be undertaken by the US to achieve strategic objectives and confront rivals, from controlling borders to increasing military expenditure and protecting competitive

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The nature of the development-security industry

institutions tend to have hierarchical, centralised command structures where the roles and responsibilities of actors are well defined. Development institutions tend to be more flexible in nature, with decentralised decision-making processes often based on consensus and shifting roles and responsibilities (Abiew, 2003). Instead of real coordination, based on high standards of performance, coordination often becomes little more than combining the wish lists of the various actors (Natsios, 1995). A second problem, related to poor coordination, is the highly competitive nature

in Building a peace economy?
DSI approaches and behaviours

4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 162 8 The war economy transformation agenda: DSI approaches and behaviours AR ECONOMIES are resilient to small-scale, narrowly defined projects, their transformation requiring concerted and simultaneous engagement by and through a variety of actors, reforms and processes. This range of programmes, broadly referred to in this book as the transformation agenda, has been developed and is implemented by a diverse network of actors, the Development-Security Industry (DSI) who work at multiple levels in

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?

competitive in relation to traders who have not paid the relevant charges. In states attempting to restart their economy, local business interests will be hurt by the unfair competition of smugglers, possibly discouraging much-needed local or foreign investment. A S THE TRANSFER 138 4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 139 Customs reform Thus, both in the physical inspection of goods crossing the border as well as in monitoring customs and excise revenues for evidence of corrupt and illegal practices, these agencies can contribute to the

in Building a peace economy?

strategic information by feminists and were unlike other intergovernmental meetings. This changed with the establishment of the Ministerial Conference on the Status of Women in 1991, after which the officials’ meetings took on more familiar traits of political competitiveness. Today the 248 CASE STUDIES intergovernmental arrangements for women’s policy are far from satisfactory. As already noted, location in a central policy area was a drawback in terms of feminist process; the confidentiality of policy advice at Cabinet level caused tensions with nongovernmental

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?

underplays analysis of the party itself. This chapter offers a two-tier analysis of the interaction between developments within the party system as a whole, and the internal politics of the French PS. At both levels, an appreciation of both structure and agency is vital to understanding how both the PS and the party system have recently evolved. The first section illustrates the institutional constraints of the French party system, and how its competitive demands helped to structure the internal organisation of the PS. Subsequent sections show how, in turn, the PS has

in The French party system

/structure The Chiquitania Forestry development project was undertaken within the VII Joint Hispano-Bolivian Cooperation Commission (2003). In Bolivia, the Forestry Law gives municipalities responsibility for promoting local forestry development activities. Since the appropriation process takes place at this level so that they can be sustainable, it was agreed that field activities be conducted through their forestry units, involving various municipalities. Institutional coordination was undertaken by the Natural Resources Directorate of the Prefecture of the Department of

in Knowledge, democracy and action

of conflict and competition among contending groups that have underpinned the widespread acceptance of the democratic rules of the game. Finally, states themselves are deeply involved in the globalization process. State actors, in seeking to placate those domestic constituencies that can eject governments in democratically organized elections, are finding that sources of side-payments can only be expanded (or their shrinkage avoided) by promoting international competitiveness. Policy instruments are dismantled and disarmed, strategic competences broken up through

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Credibility, dirigisme and globalisation

markets. This chapter charts how the credibility built after the 1983 U-turn through firstly competitive disinflation and subsequently the ‘ordoliberal’1 foundations of EMU generated policy space exploited by the Jospin Government. It then assesses enduring volontarisme in French Socialist economic and social policy-making, analysing the employment and redistribution oriented economic policies central to the 1997–2002 period. Finally, it explores successful attempts at institutional re-engineering of the EMU architecture, notably expanding scope for dirigiste fiscal

in In search of social democracy
Open Access (free)
On the possibility of sustainability and democracy in advanced industrial nations

2579Ch8 12/8/03 11:57 AM Page 201 8 Straddling the fence: on the possibility of sustainability and democracy in advanced industrial nations At the heart of this study of Sweden and its efforts to create structures and processes for ecologically rational governance has been the political dilemma posed by sustainable development. Taking as my point of departure the normative question of ‘How are we to govern ourselves so as to value democracy and individual autonomy and still retain the integrity of the commons?’ and by measuring the empirical evidence of

in Sweden and ecological governance