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The logics underpining EU enlargement

process in the CEEC, on which peace and security in Europe depended (European Council 1993 ). But it also set specific conditions that the CEEC applicants would have to meet. The Copenhagen European Council declared that those CEEC that had concluded a Europe Agreement were eligible for EU membership, provided they could meet three conditions: they must have a functioning market economy with the capacity to cope with competitive

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy

's affirmative and transformative political strategies and Ricoeur's focus on love in the production of recognition. This chapter picks up on that broader theme and offers a preliminary, non-exhaustive sketch of a particular set of intersubjective, interhuman practices, or what I call ‘processes of making human’. Such processes cultivate recognition of identity and status, since the two are mutually imbricated and

in Recognition and Global Politics
Meanings, Limits, Manifestations

recognition that finds its satisfaction only in the mutuality of reciprocated desire – driving a dialectical process whose future completion will signal the end of history. More recently, the debate around recognition gained new life due largely to the work of philosophers such as Charles Taylor, Jürgen Habermas, Axel Honneth and Nancy Fraser, who reintroduced consideration of recognition dynamics into

in Recognition and Global Politics

dramatically. The Communist Party factionalised around Gorbachev’s programme, and he was soon under attack from all sides. Economic reform was finally introduced in January 1989, but by this time farmers had begun to establish their own means of distributing their produce for profit. The institutional reform process continued – a partly competitive election for the Parliament, the Congress of People’s Deputies, was held in 1989 – but

in The politics today companion to West European Politics
Dominant approaches

excluded groups can become rather less important than the process of achieving it, which is another complex step in the efforts of governments to assert or resist pressure. Even when respect for human rights is upheld as a serious commitment in itself, the tools of realism are implicitly competitive, confrontational and threatening. Of course, such an approach can be effective and at times may be the only available tool that promises any success. It can produce important results – the release of prisoners, a constraint upon a sadistic regime, a

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)

East Timor, with elections for a constituent assembly to determine a constitution expected in August 2001. The following discussion looks in broad terms at the immediate background to Indonesia’s violent process of incorporation and the pattern of abuse that characterised it, and touches briefly some of the issues facing the new state. It does not focus on East Timor’s political struggles or the development of its contemporary political forms. As told here, the story of East Timor’s occupation underlines what in conceptual terms is a very simple

in Human rights and the borders of suffering

the many; as such, it was an obstacle to rather than an impetus to democratisation. The Arab–Israeli peace process dead-ended and arms races actually accelerated. While the intractability of regional conflicts and problems helped derail the benign promise of globalisation, an equally important factor was the way the much-intensified penetration of American hegemonic power was applied in the region. There is much debate over whether a world hegemon exercises its power in a largely self-interested way or whether successful hegemony means satisfying the interests of a

in The international politics of the Middle East

It is frequently claimed that foreign policy making in Middle East states is either the idiosyncratic product of personalistic dictators or the irrational outcome of domestic instability. In fact, it can only be adequately understood by analysis of the multiple factors common to all states, namely: (1) foreign policy determinants (interests, challenges) to which decision-makers respond when they shape policies; and (2) foreign policy structures and processes which factor the ‘inputs’ made by various actors into a policy addressing these

in The international politics of the Middle East

, historically, a common suprastate identity had embraced local communities and a mosaic of identity groups around an imperial centre, Western imperialism’s creation of artificially bounded states divided the region into a multitude of competing state units. Instead of the natural processes of sorting out boundaries through war and dynastic marriage which took place in the northern world, the boundaries of the modern Middle East state system were arbitrarily imposed and frozen by the Western powers according to their own needs, not indigenous wishes (Ayoob 1995: 33). This

in The international politics of the Middle East

). China’s poverty, the chaotic violence of the Cultural Revolution, and for some the desire to strengthen China’s international security, power and prestige, led in late 1978 to the leadership committing the country to a process of ‘modernisation’. Modernisation was envisaged as the route to an increasingly prosperous, orderly and secure state. An indication of the scope of these changes is perhaps clearest in the economic sphere, which has been central to the modernisation project and where the country was set on a path from a command economy towards increasing scope

in Human rights and the borders of suffering