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, those who do not rise, fall. In other words, in the inter-state system, every great power is obliged to expand its power continuously, even in periods of peace, if possible seeking the limit of absolute and global monopoly. But reaching this limit is an impossibility in this system because, if it were to be reached, the system would disintegrate. To be more precise: The constitution of a global empire would always result from the victory of a specific nation state – a state capable of monopolising power to the extent that its rivals disappear

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

Zurich and London Agreements of February 1959 between Britain, Greece and Turkey created the independent ‘Republic of Cyprus’ in 1960. The 1960 constitution provided for strict power-sharing between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. The latter, constituting roughly one-fifth of the total population, was granted veto powers over all major legislation, and entitled to a share in governmental

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

elements, especially William Amuri Yakotumba, rejected the demand to redeploy his troops out of Fizi. Several military and political factors were in place for this decision.10 Militarily, the Banyamulengue Mai Mai group operating in the high plateaus of South Kivu, the FRF, did not reintegrate into the army and pushed for the constitution of the territory of Minembwe in order to have an independent administration from Fizi.11 The Rwandansupported CNDP had already rejected reintegration, continuing its military activity. Finally, many Yakotumba members felt disillusioned

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

: historical constitution and normative qualities. The first marker includes claims about who belongs to the group or on what objective social basis the nation coheres; that is, particular ethnic versus all-inclusive civic identity as the basis of citizenship – membership may be defined in terms of specific markers such as language or religion which are more inclusive than ethnicity. Such criteria are more restrictive than a civic identity, which would apply to anyone born within the geographic boundaries of the state. However it is defined, national identity competes with

in Limiting institutions?

and Islam – are, for many people, more emotionally compelling than identification with the state. There is a widespread feeling of belonging to a distinct Arab World ( al-’alam al-arabi ). According to a 1978 survey of respondents throughout the Arab world, 78 per cent believed the Arabs constituted a nation, 53 per cent believed the state boundaries were artificial and the vast majority supported doing away with them in favour of a larger, perhaps decentralised state (Korany 1987: 54–5). Arabism is enshrined in state constitutions: Jabbour found thirteen Arab

in The international politics of the Middle East

Changement (LUCHA), created in Goma in 2012, or the movement Filimbi, created in 2015 (Iñiguez de Heredia 2014; Telema 2015). They are largely urban youth movements demanding political reform, democracy, development and social justice. These and other traditional civil society organisations have been at the forefront of a campaign demanding President Kabila to step down at the end of his mandate in November 2016. The DRC constitution allows for the renewal of the president’s mandate only once, therefore Kabila cannot run for a third term. Rather than clearly stating that

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

United Nations’: see operative para. 8. 12 Whether the ‘interests’ in question are those as would be defined by hardline ‘realists’ or those that may have emerged from a process of mutual constitution as would be defined by ‘constructivists’ need not detain us here. Similary, the interests may well be

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

no sense exert an influence. It might be held that the United Nations is duty bound to uphold the Fundamental Law 47 as the legal constitution and, therefore, should assist the central government in exercising its power in Katanga. However, the United Nations has to observe that, de facto , the provincial government is in active opposition

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
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Resistance and the liberal peace: a missing link

Nadarajah and Rampton identify that one of the pivotal claims of the turn to hybridity is that peacebuilding could be legitimate if it operated from the bottom up, considering local customs and culture (Chandler 2010b; Nadarajah and Rampton 2015). With this, hybridity offers a way into the liberal peace and not away from it. The hybridity framework also suffers from a certain presentism 4 Introduction: Resistance and the liberal peace that disregards the historical constitution of subjects and power relations. When studying resistance in processes linked to the

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

, the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the attempts to reform NATO through the European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI), the negotiations with prospective new EU members in central and eastern Europe, along with the struggle to recast the EU’s constitution. In effect, the EU seems determined to make itself the dominant institution in the new panEurope.3 Europe’s big ambitions leave it rather vulnerable. Completing the European Union on a pan-European scale will require, at the very least, a long period of

in Limiting institutions?