, those who do not
rise, fall. In other words, in the inter-state system, every great power is obliged to expand
its power continuously, even in periods of peace, if possible seeking the limit of absolute and
global monopoly. But reaching this limit is an impossibility in this system because, if it were
to be reached, the system would disintegrate. To be more precise: The constitution of a global empire would always result from the victory
of a specific nation state – a state capable of monopolising power to the extent that its
recognition into a question and ask not only ‘ what is
recognition? ’ but also ‘ how is recognition produced if it
is not automatically extended to the other? ’ Answering such
questions foregrounds the political and institutional translation of
basic forms of human sociality in the constitution of world society,
with profound implications for a globalizing international relations
injury. That large-scale human rights abuse is not something that happens only ‘somewhere else’ – perpetrated by other peoples or at other times, or in societies with authoritarian political structures or poverty-stricken economies, underdeveloped legal systems or immature ‘civil societies’ – is a simple point that can nevertheless prove extraordinarily difficult to grasp in practice.
This case study thus considers some of the limitations of those dominant understandings of rights that mark both international rights promotion and the constitution
East Timor, with elections for a constituent assembly to determine a constitution expected in August 2001.
The following discussion looks in broad terms at the immediate background to Indonesia’s violent process of incorporation and the pattern of abuse that characterised it, and touches briefly some of the issues facing the new state. It does not focus on East Timor’s political struggles or the development of its contemporary political forms. As told here, the story of East Timor’s occupation underlines what in conceptual terms is a very simple
The Countries of Western
Population 8.1 million
(2000) Capital Vienna Territory 83,857 sq.
km GDP per capita US$25,788 (2000) Unemployment
3.7 per cent of workforce (2000) State form Republic. The
Austrian constitution of 1920, as amended in 1929, was restored on 1 May
1945. On 15 May 1955, the four Allied Powers signed the
British entry to the EEC.
22 January 1972 Treaty of
Accession signed by which the United Kingdom joins the EEC.
30 January 1972 ‘Bloody
Sunday’: soldiers fire on a procession in Londonderry (Northern
Ireland), killing and wounding several people.
31 October 1973 Publication
of the Kilbrandon Report from the Royal Commission on the Constitution. It
recommends a directly elected
The countries of Western Europe allow
individuals who claim political persecution in their own country to cross
their national borders and apply for political asylum. While the asylum
principle is upheld in the Geneva Convention of 1949, asylum entitlement is
regulated by each country’s national laws or constitution. Belgium,
Sweden, Switzerland and West Germany were popular destinations for asylum
seekers because of their
-superstructure, but merely to state a rather
common sense materialist position, that the political constitution
cannot be disconnected from the economic constitution.
We can read Hegel's account of the relation between
master and slave as a story which emphasizes an important linkage in
which the ancient political mode of understanding and
self-understanding (i.e., ‘self-consciousness’) is one
the Bundeswehr’s remit to avoid the unwanted extension
of its role. A further line of argument pressed for an actual change to
the constitution as a means of legally sanctioning and thus facilitating
Germany’s involvement in UN-mandated peacekeeping operations.
The Government’s response to the ending of the Cold War saw the
CDU–CSU (Christlich-Soziale Union) pushing for an enlargement of
the Bundeswehr’s remit without the prerequisite of a constitutional
clariﬁcation. Essentially, the gaining of sovereignty brought with it a
renewed responsibility, which, according
dynamic and open-ended nature of understanding in general. The significance of being attentive to the partiality of one’s understanding is that such attentiveness can shift, radically or subtly, the way we go about working with particular issues. In particular, one is more likely to be open to a sense of the processes and of the mutuality involved in arriving at understanding – in this case, of the constitution of community and person. One is more likely to listen.
To grasp understanding as interactive may be peculiarly relevant to working with