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A Focus on Community Engagement

( Olivier de Sardan, 2005 ): chiefs, women, elders and youths seen as legitimate actors, able to both represent and influence the ‘community’ – that is, to be intermediaries of community engagement between the intervention and local populations. This article shows how both the legitimacy of these actors embodying the response and eventually the intervention itself was contested and negotiated through localised encounters. 1 We present three ethnographic cases based on first-hand, epidemic-related field observations of community engagement and local resistance. The authors

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

of the current ‘interregnum’, during which a struggle for meaning, narrative and reason is constitutive of the struggle for power that will eventually give birth to ‘the new’. Humanitarianism has been a defining feature of liberal order. But it is not simply a pillar of liberal ideology. Indeed, essential to any universalist politics of the human , its liberal character is contingent. Amid the crisis of liberal order, humanitarian norms and practices are increasingly contested, and the concept of humanitarianism itself is being

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

). However, even this more critical literature almost invariably focuses either on aid workers or on the wider civilian population, unquestioningly reproducing the hegemonic discourse by referring to ‘staff security ’ and ‘civilian protection ’. Rare exceptions consider the tensions between efforts to keep staff safe and the safety of the wider civilian population ( Hoffmann, 2017 ; Sutton, 2018 ). The present article goes beyond identifying tensions between such efforts to contest their separation into two distinct fields of practice. In doing so, it contributes to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

to reflect on its causes and implications. Our discussions provided an opportunity to follow individual decisions and polices from their (often contested) origins through their implementation and their consequences. Taking this a step further, the process of mapping those narratives on to national, regional and international spaces also helped to stimulate reflection on how changes in the operating environment, such as the securitisation and militarisation of aid, shaped the practice of humanitarianism in Somalia. 4 Managing Expectations and Outcomes For this pilot

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

disconnections. The overlap here with neoliberalism’s necessarily ignorant subject is returned to below. Importantly, the pure factuality of a post-humanist existence casts doubts on the distinction between a lived reality and a wider world, a distinction that is central to knowledge and the narrative of history. Without this separation there is no space, as it were, for a political commons of contrasting life-chances, contestation and critique that is essential if we are to successfully share the world with Others. In its absence, as Bruno Latour

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Managing the criminal facets of war economies

law’ (I51). Here we see that an apolitical choice was initially made – as a matter of sound jurisprudence the 1999 law was chosen, an approach based on opinions of what was technically (legally) most appropriate. However, political debate and contestation led the international administrators to reconsider their approach, forcing them to alter reform in consideration of context. Despite legal arguments, nationalistic and ethnic sensitivities were eventually recognised by UNMIK. This example reveals a willingness of the international mission to integrate political

in Building a peace economy?
DSI approaches and behaviours

political, social contestation (Craig and Porter, 2005). This ideologically biased form of conflict programming, which focuses largely on bringing stability (or negative peace) as opposed to substantial transformation (positive peace) to post-conflict areas, is fundamentally a tool for creating liberal regimes in previously ‘illiberal’ parts of the world. At least four specific impacts of this approach on transformation programming have been exposed. First, the standard critique of the liberal peace in this regard is that local needs become secondary to global, or foreign

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
War economies, peace economies and transformation

abroad are also known to have become central actors in war economies. For example, the South African firm Executive Outcomes was hired to fight rebels operating in and around the diamond fields in Sierra Leone, while Branch Energy, a UK firm (with contested links to Executive Outcomes), received generous contracts in these newly liberated diamond fields (Francis, 1999; Howe, 1998). The profits from such activities often find their way either legally, or illegally through money laundering, into the world’s largest financial institutions and banks, making use of modern

in Building a peace economy?
Learning from the case of Kosovo

, Japan, Croatia, Montenegro and Macedonia following suit within months. As of 2013 many states have yet to recognise Kosovo and recognition at the UN and the EU is doubtful in the short to medium term due to the stance of states such as Russia and Spain. Nonetheless, Kosovo formally joined the IMF and World Bank in 2009, setting it on a clear path to statehood despite the contestations of many actors. With the declaration of independence by Kosovo’s elected government, UNMIK’s role in the territory was greatly diminished and the power of 82 4062 building a peace

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

4062 building a peace economy_2652Prelims 25/11/2013 15:06 Page 115 6 Privatisation: liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies related commodity governance schemes are meant to bring economic gains for individuals, groups and the state in a fair and neutral way, diminishing the possibility that economic resources will become a source of violent contestation. Ultimately, the transformation of war economies requires that assets, whether they be tangible (such as diamonds) or opportunities (in the form of business prospects), be transparently and

in Building a peace economy?