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The restructuring of work and production in the international political economy

5 The ‘contested’ firm: the restructuring of work and production in the international political economy no involuntary changes have ever spontaneously restructured or reorganised a mode of production; … changes in productive relationships are experienced in social and cultural life, refracted in men’s ideas and their values, and argued through in their actions, their choices and their beliefs. (Thompson, 1976/1994: 222) T he desire to comprehend, order and manage the dual dynamics of globalisation and restructuring has led to much attention being paid to the

in Globalisation contested
Considerations and consequences

, quotas and subsidies; deregulation of the financial and housing markets; the introduction of so-called ‘flexible’ labour practices, casualising the labour market and dramatically extending the precariousness of employment across varied industries; an increased corporeal mobility for both an elite managerial class, and a disenfranchised and displaced underclass; postmodernisation as the cultural logic of post-industrial capitalism, emphasising the mutability and non-essentiality of identity; and an economy that is ever more reliant upon the light-speed communication and

in Time for mapping
Open Access (free)
Mapping times

, precisely because the digital reveals the contingency, mutability and dynamism of mapping practices. Our authors have diverse scholarly backgrounds and use these to investigate different cultural mapping practices in terms of ephemeralities, ‘time’s arrow’, (a)synchronicities, rhythms and velocities. Together, the chapters offer a broad spectrum of methodologies and conceptual frameworks to help us understand the rich texture of relations between digital mapping and temporalities. This book also proposes that digital maps bring new temporal affordances into play for users

in Time for mapping

to the perceived logic of convergence. From divergent historical and cultural viewpoints, diverse institutional arrangements and distinctive social power relations, societies are believed to become increasingly alike in their basic structures. As John Goldthorpe argues: This is the general model of society most consistent with the functional imperatives that a rationally operating technology and economy impose: and it is in fact the pressure of these imperatives which must be seen as forcing the development of industrial societies on to convergent lines, whatever

in Globalisation contested
Open Access (free)
Back to the future

world of crowd-sourcing and the ‘gig’ economy. A very different digital ­assemblage comes together to make these links, which makes for changed 260 Time for mapping a­ffordances and changing ways in which the temporal is captured. There are further discussions to be had here about these interrelations between heterogeneous temporalities, the relationship between mapping processes and mapping products, and the arbitrary designation of timescales into frames – seconds, minutes, hours, days, weeks, or months – through which we understand time. Once again, the neat

in Time for mapping
Open Access (free)

://docplayer.net/5866972-Center-for-urban-­ science-progress-the-promise-of-urban-informatics.html (accessed 1 August 2015). Kurgan, L. (2013) Close Up at a Distance: Mapping, Technology and Politics. New York: Zone Books. Law, J. and Mol, A. (2001) Situating technoscience: An inquiry into spatialities. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 19(5): pp. 609–621. Law, J. and Ruppert, E. (2013) The social life of methods: Devices. Journal of Cultural Economy, 6(3): pp. 229–240. Marres, N. (2012) On some uses and abuses of topology in the social analysis of technology (or the

in Time for mapping
Exploring the real-time smart city dashboard

, 2015; Mattern, 2015).2 The left-wing government nationalised many private companies and had the Cybersyn management cybernetics system developed; a system that ‘would network every firm in the expanding nationalised sector of the economy to a central computer in Santiago, enabling the government to grasp the status of production quickly and respond to 240 (In)formalising economic crises in real-time’ (Medina, 2006: 572). Due to technical difficulties, the system only allowed companies to transmit data once a day and reminding workers to manually do so proved a

in Time for mapping