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White Innocence , which builds on Said's reference to imperial fiction and poetry as a cultural archive via Ann Stoler's sense of the archive as a ‘repository of memory’ (Stoler 2009 : 49 in Wekker 2016 : 19) for everyday legacies of imperial rule in postcolonial metropoles. It is located in many things, in the way we think, do things, and look at the world, in what we find (sexually) attractive, in how our affective and rational economies are organized and intertwined. Most important, it is

in Race and the Yugoslav region

higher living standards than Soviet-style planned economies could provide; a cultural policy which was (uneasily) more open than Warsaw Pact regimes to capitalist countries' artefacts and aesthetics; and a foreign policy that played both blocs against each other in trade yet feared invasion by either superpower, not just one. Within Europe, Tito's Yugoslavia has often been described as demonstratively standing ‘between East and West’, outside the Cold War binary (Kulić 2009 ). Decentring this binary, an aim of global Cold War history and indeed NAM, requires treating

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)
Entanglements and ambiguities

, tended to be excluded from other human scientific disciplines by the very process of their substantive-cum-methodological definition (the economist’s concern with the money economy; the historian’s concern with written documents, etc.) … to study the history of anthropology is to … describe and to interpret or explain the “otherness” of populations

in Subjects of modernity
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Caribbean and in Britain. At the intellectual level, I have become preoccupied by a number of issues, explored here, that colonial and postcolonial studies have ignored or find difficulty in including in their grander analyses. A commonplace of postcolonial studies is the supposed subversiveness of the colonial/postcolonial subject, through the tropes of mimicry, cultural hybridity, and writing or speaking

in Frontiers of the Caribbean

4 Postsocialism, borders, security and race after Yugoslavia The historical legacies shown in the last chapter do much to explain the contradictory racialised imaginaries of the Yugoslav region's ‘cultural archive’ ( Chapter 1 ) and the shifting nature of translations of race into discourses of ethnic and national belonging ( Chapter 2 ). Though many past applications of postcolonial thought to south-east Europe have bracketed race away, identifications with racialised narratives of Europeanness predated state socialism, yet alone the collapse

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)
Identities and incitements

groupings. Upon such an understanding, then, identities comprise a crucial means through which social processes are perceived, experienced, and articulated. Indeed, defined within historical relationships of production and reproduction, appropriation and approbation, and power and difference, cultural identities (and their mutations) are essential elements in the quotidian constitution (and pervasive transformations

in Subjects of modernity
Rousseau’s and nationalism

Rousseau stressed – in the Discourse on Political Economy – that we must begin by making men virtuous by ‘making them love their country’ (III: 255), the later Rousseau, no less interested in patriotism, cast this doctrine in nationalist terms. In Project du Corse he thus stresses that while ‘establishing a nation is undoubtedly useful [he] knows an even more useful [strategy for maintaining cultural homogeneity] and that is establishing a nation for the government’ (III: 901). Incidentally, a view which is strikingly close to Massimo d’Azeglio’s utterance – following

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
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Frontier patterns old and new

states rely on remittances from migrants abroad as essential private economic supplements. Remittances to Jamaica are estimated to amount to 4–5 per cent of gross domestic product (GDP) per annum; those to Guyana have been estimated at around USD90 million per annum, or 13 per cent of GDP. The small number who return ‘home’ to the region after many years are often culturally and socially alienated to

in Frontiers of the Caribbean

Montenegro unified with Serbia, the ‘Yugoslav idea’ – whatever it meant – had to become not only a concrete constitutional settlement but also an ideology of national cultural expression (Wachtel 1998 ). The ‘Dinaric race’ named by the interwar Yugoslav anthropologist Vladimir Dvorniković in 1939 mediated these contradictions, Tomislav Longinović ( 2011 ) argues, through a culturalist definition of Yugoslav identity that distanced Yugoslavs, as a recently liberated nation, from imperial modernities. The Dinaric highland place-myth, and an ethnological

in Race and the Yugoslav region
Open Access (free)

Conclusion Even though the Yugoslav region was not an imperial metropole, even though many symbolic geographies of ‘Europe’ allocate it to Europe's spatial and material periphery, race is part of its social and historical reality. Categorisations of race, processes of racialisation and constructions of collective identity in relation to whiteness have not even simply been a postsocialist phenomenon: accordingly, cultural racism and anti-blackness in the region cannot just be called a product of identification with the symbolic pole of ‘Europe’ in

in Race and the Yugoslav region