An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

citizen movements that have been at the forefront of the emergency response. Similarly inspired by cosmopolitan ideals, these groups tend to use more political language than conventional NGOs, presenting their relief activities as a form of direct resistance to nationalist politics and xenophobia. As liberal humanitarianism is challenged in its European heartland, they are developing – through practice – a new model of humanitarian engagement. SOS MEDITERRANEE is an ad hoc citizen initiative founded in 2015 to prevent the death of people crossing the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

disinformation. But they have not yet closely examined their impact in humanitarian crises. This is a remarkable oversight. In humanitarian crises, false information can have life-and-death consequences. As Jeanne Bourgault, President and Chief Executive Officer of Internews, states, false information can ‘undercut efforts to improve health, make disasters worse than they already are, alienate vulnerable populations, and even incite violence’ (quoted in Igoe, 2017 ). This article introduces the emerging research about online disinformation and the many forms it

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

responses. Negotiations here take on their full meaning, far beyond simplistic visions of the notion of community. While the latter is introduced as a maze of at times diverging interests, negotiations are seen as a crucial step in securing consent. These appear all the more essential at a time when the responders to the Ebola epidemic in the Democratic Republic of Congo were confronted with multiple security incidents, including attacks on health centres and the deaths and kidnappings of health professionals

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

. Neighbours expressed the fear and mistrust that came with having an ETU close to them and of having been continuously exposed to death. From the beginning of Ebola’s arrival in District 6, residents anticipated a slow and inadequate government response. Local citizens organised themselves into community task forces and started their own quarantine initiatives, which included visits, food and financial support. In September 2014, an ETU-construction project in the SKD Stadium caused District 6 residents to protest in the streets. Liberian government and NGO representatives

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

be both, depending on the moment. As discussed above, that distinction has been blurred since the late nineteenth century and, contrary to what is often said, has nothing to do with the ‘new wars’. What makes that assertion particularly shocking is its positive portrayal of the First World War, and its blithe acceptance of the deaths of nearly 20 million people (half of them civilians) and the maiming of several million more. That such slaughter can be cited publicly as an example of respect for IHL without an immediate backlash shows how easily IHL can be

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

. Global Precarity A characteristic of late-modernity, at least in relation to the global North, 3 is what Nikolas Rose has called the ‘death of the social’ ( Rose, 1996 ). This demise is usually equated with the roll-back of the welfare state. Originally meant as a collective insurance-based shield against market forces, since the 1980s the welfare state has been residualised through means-testing, privatisation, cuts and the politics of austerity. Companies and businesses, however, have also shed their former social-democratic responsibilities

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

mostly focuses on trends in the absolute numbers of attacks, comparing them across time and across country operating contexts. 3 To the extent that comparisons are made based on estimates of the rates of attacks on aid workers, these comparisons are with on-the-job death rates in hazardous civilian professions in the United States ( Stoddard et al. , 2006 : 4). Comparisons are not made with the risks faced by the wider civilian population. More generally, we know that civilian-protection activities are often targeted based on standardised categories of

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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

are teetering on the edge of this precipice now. Lest this argument looks like a paean to liberalism, liberalism itself has, of course, as much of a dark side as other ideologies (as does humanitarianism: see Kennedy, 2005 ). It is just that liberalism’s dark side bars in principle (again, not necessarily in practice) the deliberate killing and cruel treatment of people except under the most extreme and carefully circumscribed circumstances. To take obvious examples, liberalism could tolerate suffering and death from poverty and it could use science

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

: Security-Incident Analysis The analysis of security incidents in the field also needed to improve. In 2012, it was impossible to know what type of incidents had the most impact on our field staff. Was it true, as everyone said, that road accidents were the leading cause of death among aid workers? While that was probably true in the 1990s, the logistical management of vehicle pools, driver training and respect for traffic rules (speed, seatbelts and car maintenance) had improved, as the ‘Aid Worker Security Database’ ( Humanitarian Outcomes , n.d.) demonstrated. Moreover

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?

-Macedonia border crossing of Blace due to suspicion over their involvement of smuggling at the crossing point. This move resulted in a 40 per cent increase in collection at this particular crossing but also resulted in death threats against the head of the UCS, as well as pressure by Thaçi’s PDK party to reinstate the officers (Hajdinjak, 2002: 36). At the beginning of the mission, there was also pressure from a politician to allow him to make decisions regarding the hiring and promotion of customs officers (I55). A strong stance was taken in both these cases by the UCS with the

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