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view Islam as a ‘threat’, a view which they qualify as perpetuating a myth ( Esposito, 1992 ). They also deal with the question of the compatibility of Islam and democracy, and give a positive answer. In light of these answers we may doubt any inclusion of Islam in a study concerned with redefining security in the Middle East. But then we are intrigued by the rise of fundamentalist and rejectionist
consisting predominantly of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) ( Shikaki, 1998 : 30–1). A second source of opposition to the regime consists of radical Islamists, primarily Hamas and Islamic Jihad , which also challenge its secularism and offer a competing set of legitimacy principles based upon Islamic precepts. 16 A
democratization is defined as ‘an expansion of political participation in such a way as to provide citizens with a degree of meaningful collective control over public policy’ ( Brynen, Korany and Noble, 1995 : 3). Many Middle Eastern states have engaged in some democratic forms, primarily focused around elections. 2 This is a Dahlian notion of democracy, however, that relies on
between the Palestinian and Israeli sides without the glare of publicity and attention or the opportunity for hard-liners opposed to such negotiations to derail them. While the secrecy of these talks raised questions about the democratic nature of the peace process, they did manage to produce a series of agreements, namely the Oslo Accord of 13 August 1993, the Declaration of Principles signed on the White House lawn on
conflicts’ and ‘international social conflicts’. Pugh observes that distinctions between inter- and intra-state conflicts are exaggerated, and maintains that the majority of contemporary conflicts fall between the two. 78 He cites the examples of Bosnia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, where ‘interests of states and rebels intermingle freely across borders’. Hence the term ‘inter
is and will continue to be crucial not only in the search for peace but also in bringing emergency humanitarian assistance to all Angolans.’ 53 While UNAVEM II’s mandate recognised that the verification of democratically-held elections was the ultimate requirement for instituting peace in Angola, it did not include supervision of human rights. 54 The mission’s human rights activities