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Protecting borders, confirming statehood and transforming economies?

again provides several interesting insights into the role of the DSI in transformation. While there are similar stories to be told in terms of the dominance of ideology in programming, this particular case study reveals some interesting trends and heterogeneity in terms of the way politics and context have been integrated by some actors and how some of the operational issues that plague other reform areas have on occasion been avoided. The primacy of state borders and modernity Despite claims that state borders have become less relevant to global politics with a rise

in Building a peace economy?

being able to rise above considerations of survival and power, and can paradoxically pursue ‘higher’ values such as the common good, welfare, liberty, equality and democracy. However, unlike most traditional analyses of foreign policy and security studies, IPE has always had the potential to cut across this levels-of-analysis distinction. As the world has become a smaller place (the idea of the ‘global village’), analysts increasingly focus on issues involving the interaction, linkages and common features of both international INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY 85 and

in Democratization through the looking-glass

of the transformative technology. Pulido (1996) claims that injustices cannot be resolved solely through (socio-) economic restructuring or redistribution, but also require changes to existing social relations, cultural practices and systems of meanings. This still holds if energy transitions are to be truly transformative. In Kenya, the SONG team witnessed first-hand the continuing control and maintenance of one mini-grid system by its project implementers, who are based in the global North. This approach to governing is the antithesis of a just transition. The

in Science and the politics of openness
Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?

, for example, economic interests divide women, just as their subordinate position vis-à-vis men places them on the same side. Economic interests, especially in the context of global restructuring, have become important markers of difference among women, even as globalization is bringing women closer together across national boundaries through technological and global governance networks (Hoskyns and Rai, 1998; Parpart, Rai and Staudt, 2002). Whose interests, in this context, is not always an easy question to answer. There has also been some debate among feminist

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?

‘smokescreen’ approaches which largely dismiss the Third Way, neo-Marxist and social democratic accounts contain a strand which accepts that the Third Way represents something new and significant, reflecting wider social and economic change. Neo-Marxist approaches of this sort concur with the smokescreen theorists that the Third Way is the product of global capitalist restructuring

in The Third Way and beyond

the West, but functioned through a global economy based on asymmetric relations between the global North and South. As a basic provision of global democracy, the wretched of the earth would have been set free from the shackles of imperialism and the whole of the global economy would have restructured (MW11: 139–42). This, however, was unforthcoming as leaders replicated their palliative measures that maintained the hegemony of capitalism and its conception of liberty in the global economy. The second reason was that the eclipse of the public meant citizens were in

in John Dewey
Institutionalized gesture politics?

the national machinery in Uganda. Suggestions as to how the machinery can be rendered more effective are analysed. Lastly some global approaches that could enhance the effectiveness of such institutions are assessed. What constitutes the national machinery for gender equality in Uganda? Historical background At the time of Uganda’s political independence from Britain in 1962, women’s issues were handled by the Ministry of Community Development, Culture and Sports. The situation pertained into the 1970s and early 1980s, although the Ministry’s exact title changed

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
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second wave The early 1990s witnessed a dramatic return of multi-party democracy to Africa. Whereas ‘in 1989 29 African countries were governed under some kind of single-party constitution, and one-party rule seemed entrenched as the modal form of governance’, by 1994 ‘not a single de jure one-party rule remained’ (Bratton and de Walle 1997: 8). This was widely perceived as the local manifestation of Huntington’s (1991) third wave of democracy globally. Many authors have stressed the increasing importance of political conditionality attached to foreign assistance and

in Democratization through the looking-glass
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The Debt–Growth–Inequality Nexus

pen. Some 321 years later we are in a position to evaluate the consequences of that experiment. It is certainly true that the financial system that evolved out of that beginning has created, for some, great wealth and numerous technological marvels. The human life span has been extended and cures for disease and illness realized for considerable portions of the global population. We can only speculate how history would have changed if, for example, the Government of England had reserved the right to issue money to itself, and had other countries, such as the United

in Debt as Power

change. Furthermore, the processes of change took place in the context of globalization, which impacted upon the economic restructuring of CEE countries, as well as making demands upon their political structures to democratize. The state structure had to deal with these varied pressures. The Platform for Action of the United Nations’ (UN’s) Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing, 1995) focuses on state structures for implementing gender mainstreaming (see Staudt, chapter 2 of this volume) under the chapter on national machineries for women. The chapter on national

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?