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Introduction Kosovo is not a security issue for Europe only: it must be seen in the context of global political processes. In this chapter, I argue that Kosovo was an episode in the long-term process of the domestication and marginalisation of the United Nations (UN) by the United States. These relations of domination are underpinned by Manichean dichotomous myths of good

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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Kosovo and the outlines of Europe’s new order

‘coming anarchy’ (Robert Kaplan), asking ‘Must it be the West against the rest?’ (Matthew Connelly and Paul Kennedy), or predicting a ‘clash of civilisations’ (Samuel Huntington). 1 When the United States proposed, in the early 1990s, to establish a new world order, it became clear that this new vision of the West’s undisputed global leadership was too ambitious; this new world order was interpreted by many as just the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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A European fin de siècle

exclusion and retribution, by surveiller et punir (as per Michel Foucault), and the West’s current moral assertiveness is little more than a new guise for a centuries-old tradition. In seeking to establish itself as a norm for global conduct, the moral discourse of power is rather indiscriminate in respect of specific conflicts, instrumentalising them to its own advantage. In

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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problem of establishing agreed criteria for any kind of international intervention is unlikely to go away. On the related issue of legitimacy, Kosovo seemingly saw the UNSC being increasingly sidelined. Closer analysis suggests, however, that far from marking the end of the UN role in conferring legitimacy on international intervention, Kosovo reinforced the need for this global security organisation, as

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

is no longer read as a structural necessity, which has opened the way for new organising principles and departures. The grand narrative of regular and instrumental major war has been replaced by a pattern of violence which is more localised and less easy to define as either ‘internal’ or ‘external’. 12 Students of global politics are therefore faced with a choice: should they continue to label these

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia

swept aside by more potent universal forces such as social class, economic development, global interdependence or secularisation. 31 Anthony Smith, in his examination of the major strands of this dominant ‘modernist’ and ‘instrumentalist’ school has summarised them in the following manner: First, nations and nationalism are regarded as

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Civilisation, civil society and the Kosovo war

‘civilisation’. Huntington’s argument works according to what James March and Johan Olsen term ‘the logic of consequentiality’. 9 For Huntington, the purpose of IR theory is to establish categories (such as ‘civilisations’) that are supposed to explain and even predict the future development of global politics. 10 Constructivism rejects the viability of this kind of universal theory

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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Reflections in a distorting mirror

outlines of a European (global?) security landscape must be found or will be lost. Prologue 1230 hours, 24 March 1999: NATO airfields in Italy and the United Kingdom Eight American B-52 bombers, each carrying twenty cruise missiles in its bomb bay, leave their UK base in Fairford and head towards Serbia. From NATO airfields Aviano and Istrano in Italy

in Mapping European security after Kosovo

struggle between land and town, between proletariat and town elites, but it is formed in principle as a struggle between the local and the global. To quote a well-known book title, it is a case of ‘ Jihad vs. McWorld ’. 10 And these two political powers work together, like all constellations, in order for politics to function. The so-called fundamentalist Islamic opposition in the Maghreb, and the

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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Virtuousness, virtuality and virtuosity in NATO’s representation of the Kosovo campaign

states. The Gulf War and NATO’s Operation Allied Force in the skies over Serbia and Kosovo, have changed this logic. Replacing the anarchical logic of war in which no side can claim to fight for more than its own interests, the ‘non-wars’ of the PoCoWO introduce a hierarchical rationale for the exercise of organised violence. Non-war ‘operates today on a global level which is conceived as an immense

in Mapping European security after Kosovo