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and administrative emphasis on hesitancy and decision making about vaccination. The hope was that analysing and monitoring for signs of faltering confidence could predict and prevent such crises before they occurred. The five themes explored in this book – apathy, nation, demand, risk and hesitancy – all help to answer the main question posed in the Introduction: how did routine vaccination become normalised in Britain after the Second World War? In drawing together these ideas, this conclusion makes some final observations on a thread that

in Vaccinating Britain

, even though he is in agony and there is no hope of a cure.72 Yet, it is also the ‘Directrice’ who notices the man’s courage in the face of such treatment and campaigns to have him decorated with the highest French military honour: the Croix de Guerre. The general is sceptical and delays for so long that he arrives too late. We are told that the patient ‘held on as long as he could’, but ‘died, finally, after a long pull, just twenty minutes before the General arrived with his medals’.73 The differences in emphasis between the narratives is striking. In Mortimer

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
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British ‘VAD’ shattered, dying boys and I were paying alike for a situation that none of us had desired or done anything to bring about.35 No less surprising than Brittain’s fellowship with her German patients is her friendship with a trained British nurse, to whom she gives the pseudonym ‘Hope Milroy’. Brittain comments that such friendship would never have been tolerated at the First London General Hospital, but that here, in Etaples, ‘the Q.A. Reserve Sisters had no such feeling of professional exclusiveness towards the girls who had helped them to fight so many

in Nurse Writers of the Great War
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efficiency, but more organisation and higher cost. 16 The early twentieth century was a time when medicine simply became able to do more and became far more dependent upon the technological capacity of the hospital. It saw considerable increases in demand for hospital admission, especially at the voluntary hospitals with their higher reputation. Yet hopes the new Ministry of Health would build a

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
The cultural construction of opposition to immunisation in India

instance, noted that: ‘From the veneration in which the animal is held by Hindus it requires only an intimation that such a blessing was within their reach, to ensure its earliest dissemination throughout this division or class of the inhabitants of Bombay.’ 4 The hopes that vaccination was particularly well attuned to Indian cultural sensibilities were, however, soon dashed, as Indians turned out to be no

in The politics of vaccination
Mary Warnock, embryos and moral expertise

that what the authority enjoins in this case is right’.79 He believed that philosophers could not hope to provide widely accepted answers, since individuals who held religious premises would reject arguments made on utilitarian grounds, whatever their validity, and vice versa. This meant there were no obviously ‘correct’ solutions to issues such as abortion or euthanasia, and that when it came to making recommendations it was ‘to some extent arbitrary where one draws the line’.80 By 1982, then, ‘applied ethics’ had become a recognised branch of philosophy in a

in The making of British bioethics
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Contextualising colonial and post-colonial nursing

, methodological, among others. Anne Marie Rafferty provides us with one example of this, noting: ‘[the archives of the CNA] expose the complexity of the British nurses’ positions in the specific colonies, factors that motivated them to apply for overseas posts, the range of their attitudes to their colonial experiences, perceptions of their place in the imperial mission and the eventual decline in their status and the effects on the nursing profession.’3 In the chapters that follow we hope to go a step further by looking at some of these aspects of nurses and nursing viewed in

in Colonial caring
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Bangladesh, although William Foege, the lead epidemiologist for the South Asia programme, has denied that coercion was required for eradication. 29 The smallpox campaign's success was subsequently hailed as proof not only that eradication was possible, but also that globally coordinated action offered hope for finishing off a number of other diseases. It also inspired the launch of the WHO's worldwide Expanded Programme of Immunisation (EPI) in

in The politics of vaccination

was then the foremost measles eradication advocate. Stetten and his colleagues were influential enough that other large-scale expert conferences on these three diseases were convened in the next few years with the hope, and expectation, that at least one of the groups would champion an eradication campaign. It quickly became clear that measles was not eradicable given existing technology, and that yaws was not a global problem, which made the

in The politics of vaccination
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diphtheria on the health services and, it was hoped, could eventually eliminate the disease entirely. The risk was that this apparent progress might stall – or, worse, the disease would return to higher levels. By defining apathy as low uptake of immunisation, the problem could be identified and quantified. In turn, apathy tells us how these authorities viewed the public and their relationship with them. The Ministry of Health focused on encouraging individuals to immunise their children in order to minimise the risk of diphtheria's return. Its campaign ran on the basis

in Vaccinating Britain