peacekeeping and humanitarian intervention by the very global institutions Tito's Yugoslavia had hoped to lead. Other European governments no longer saw the region as exporting skilled professionals and managed numbers of guest-workers but as a source of international instability (Hansen 2006 ) and disordered refugee flows, as millions escaped violent ethnicised displacement from Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and later Kosovo or systemic structural inequality (exacerbated in Serbia by economic sanctions against Milošević) elsewhere. Security-minded gazes from northern and
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
formation, forced migration and genocide that invite seeing its past and present through the lens of ethnopolitical and religious conflict. Moreover, as part of ‘eastern’ rather than ‘western’ Europe, and without its own history as an imperial power, it did not experience the mass migration from outside ‘Europe’ of millions of people whose identities would be racialised as non-white. Studies of how ideas of ‘race’ have circulated and been adapted across the globe, for their part, themselves still almost always pass over the east of Europe and its state socialist past. The
it by the 1930s; US racialised imaginaries of African primitivity then, later, African-American physicality, musicality and criminality; and Soviet imaginaries of state socialist Europe at the vanguard of a new humanitarian civilising mission to develop and modernise postcolonial Africa all contributing (Todorova 2006 ). Equivalent sources for the Yugoslav region's translations of ‘race’ would be similar but – because of its pre-unification history as well as the geopolitics of socialist Non-Alignment – not the same.
A civic profession of faith: Rousseau’s and
When Heinrich Heine, the German poet, visited Italy in 1828 he noted in
It is as if World History is seeking to become spiritual … she has a great
task. What it is? It is emancipation. Not just the emancipation of the Irish,
the Greeks, the Jews and the Blacks of the West Indies. No, the emancipation
of the whole world, especially in Europe, where the peoples have reached
maturity. (Heine quoted in Gell 1998: 13)
In seeking national self-determination Heine was preaching a new doctrine,
preferring voice over exit and rulers have reasons to be responsive
to their subjects.
Although territorial jurisdiction is a weaker and more variable
condition for democracy than are diversity and boundaries, these arguments show
that it is not a condition for non-ideal theory only. The tragic history of
territorial conflicts between city republics, empires and nation-states should
not delude us into assuming naively that territorial borders