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contention that one is faced with a complex legal problem 39 which may or may not be resolved on an ad hoc basis. A second question is where to place the threshold for intervening with or without UN authorization: on systematic human rights violations (such as systematic discrimination akin to apartheid or ‘internal colonialism’), on something more grave, such as so-called egregious crimes (i.e. ethnic cleansing, war crimes, crimes against humanity), or only at the level of mass

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century
Open Access (free)
Redefining security in the Middle East

West and elsewhere) that have been excluded from mainstream analysis. Moreover, our intention is not simply to transport concepts and debates emanating from mainstream IR to the Middle Eastern context, but to capture the complex interface of global and local dialogues as they pertain to the changing circumstances and indigenous understandings of conflict in this region. Our focus is squarely on the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Lessons for critical security studies?

very particular European context, starting with the loosening of the internal borders in the then European Community as a result of the Schengen accords largely contributed to the development of reflections on security, circulation, and mobility. Largely informed by this political context, the medium- and long-term impact of enlargement processes on issues of external and internal security, especially

in Security/ Mobility

after, a civil war broke out between Lon Nol’s forces and the Khmer Rouge, which the latter eventually won in April 1975. 5 The Khmer Rouge regime, led by Pol Pot and named Democratic Kampuchea in early 1976, pursued a determined campaign to eradicate all internal opposition to its Maoist programme in Cambodia. 6 The actual toll of the radical Khmer Rouge attempt to forcefully

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Security/ Mobility and politics of movement

geography in order to provide a more comprehensive perspective on security and mobility. To be concise: there are no clear-cut boundaries to be found between those two strands of research, and scholars have already started to transcend the permeable membranes between different layers of movement, as is detailed below. And yet we feel that intensified dialogue between mobilities and immobilities can in fact yield additional benefits

in Security/ Mobility

: We must control our borders – it’s the duty and right of each country […]. If over the five years or the decade the country is flooded with hundreds of thousands of illegal refugees, then there will be a real threat to our internal system, to the character of the state and its very future. (Prime Minister Netanyahu 2012b

in Security/ Mobility
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia

Three years after its initial deployment, KFOR strength had dropped to approximately 35,000 with further reductions to around 30,000 being mooted. 5 In addition to SFOR and KFOR, NATO deployed troops to Macedonia from the summer of 2001 to assist in ending the insurgency in that country and to support the implementation of the internal political settlement. 6 Although small in overall numbers, the

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

powers. What seemed ‘internal’ conflicts to the old colonialists (meaning internal to their colonial empires, as in Algeria or Rhodesia) were considered ‘international’ by the superpowers (meaning that the other superpower might intrude into that conflict at any moment). In this sense, the UN’s response to intra-state conflicts could not but reflect an overwhelming preoccupation with international

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has been significantly reoriented and retooled across the board. This process of change has been captured under two main labels. Internal adaptation is NATO-speak for looking at how the institution works, and whether it can be made to work better and more effectively. The process has embraced the possibility of creating procedures and structures whereby European member

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Between humanitarianism and pragmatism

for the Russian Empire. Most Russian diplomats and other high-ranking officials, most of them aristocrats, though not immune to the ideological, political and cultural differences within Russian society, were attuned to the reigning spirit and culture of Europe. Thus they upheld the concept of legitimacy, diplomatic dialogue and limited war as a last resort in order to resolve outstanding conflicts that could not be settled by concord. 2 Despite the overall Russian

in Humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century