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Economies of allegiance

French subsidies played a central role in European politics from Charles VIII’s invasion of Italy in 1494 until the French Revolution. French kings attempted to frustrate what they viewed as a Habsburg bid to pursue universal monarchy. During the seventeenth century, the French monarchy would embrace the payment of subsidies on a different scale than previously, using alliances in which subsidies played a prominent role to pursue crucial aspects of royal policy. Louis XIII made alliances promising subsidies to support the United Provinces’ resumed war against the king of Spain, and for the Danish, Swedish, and various German princes to fight against the Holy Roman Emperor. Louis XIV continued some of these subsidies and used subsidies as a tool in order to implement his own politics. When Louis XIV appeared to Dutch and some English statesmen as aspiring to Universal monarchy, the Dutch and particularly the English used the tool of subsidies to frustrate the French monarch. During the eighteenth century, principally the French and the British, but also the Austrians, used subsidies to procure allies and attempt to maintain the balance of power. The subsidy system prompted significant debates about the legal, political, and moral implications, and was sometimes a source of political conflict between competing power groupings within states. The book argues that participation in the French system of subsidies neither necessarily accelerated nor necessarily retarded state development; but such participation could undoubtedly change political dynamics, the creation of institutions, and the form of states that would emerge.

Nico Randeraad

scientific relations, but even simple, practical problems impeded progress in this area. The rapporteur of the international commission, Auguste Visschers of Belgium, was stranded on his way to Florence and lost his luggage. A trip from Brussels to Florence was no picnic in 1867. 131 chap6.indd 131 02/12/2009 12:15:27 States and statistics in the nineteenth century Since the congress was supposed to have taken place in 1866 (but had been postponed for a year due to the war), the programme was finished by spring of that year. There were to be eight sections: theory and

in States and statistics in the nineteenth century
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Respectable resistance (coups de gueule polis)
James E. Connolly

protests as resistance; in one instance they described protests as ‘open revolt’.28 The belief that French notables were engaged in a process of deliberate obstruction, an attempt at slowing down decisions and policy implementation, may have been justified. It is plausible that this was a key motive behind notable protests and other aspects of notable relations with the occupiers. Notables mention this explicitly only rarely.29 Such opposition took place in the Second World War and is described by François Marcot as ‘administrative braking [freinage]’, although he

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
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Visions of history, visions of Britain
Stephen Howe

energy nor inclination for new, large-scale projects. 2 Speculation about what James might have written about Britain and Britishness may have its value. But in the absence of that imaginary seminal work British Civilisation , I shall try here to reconstruct the more fragmentary but important things James did say about Britain, Britishness and their relations to

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain

This book examines the payment systems operating in British hospitals before the National Health Service (NHS). An overview of the British situation is given, locating the hospitals within both the domestic social and political context, before taking a wider international view. The book sets up the city of Bristol as a case study to explore the operation and meaning of hospital payments on the ground. The foundation of Bristol's historic wealth, and consequent philanthropic dynamism, was trade. The historic prominence of philanthropic associations in Bristol was acknowledged in a Ministry of Health report on the city in the 1930s. The distinctions in payment served to reinforce the differential class relations at the core of philanthropy. The act of payment heightens and diminishes the significance of 1948 as a watershed in the history of British healthcare. The book places the hospitals firmly within the local networks of care, charity and public services, shaped by the economics and politics of a wealthy southern city. It reflects the distinction drawn between and separation of working-class and middle-class patients as a defining characteristic of the system that emerged over the early twentieth century. The rhetorical and political strategies adopted by advocates of private provision were based on the premise that middle-class patients needed to be brought in to a revised notion of the sick poor. The book examines why the voluntary sector and wider mixed economies of healthcare, welfare and public services should be so well developed in Bristol.

Guerrilla nursing with the Friends Ambulance Unit, 1946–48
Susan Armstrong-Reid

portrait. Acculturation occurs differently for everyone. Moreover, feminist international relations scholars have recently cautioned against the assumption that ‘those from outside a particular state or region are “inauthentic knowers” and actors who cannot understand or share in struggles outside of locales from which they come’.95 Both nurses admired the Chinese people’s resilience and courage and in different ways viewed MT19 as ‘home’. But why did Margaret Stanley become a more effective cultural diplomat? Skilled cross-cultural brokers must balance ‘bridging social

in Colonial caring
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Legality and legitimacy
Dominic McGoldrick

new world order’, Vandenberg Journal of Transnational Law, 25 (1992), 151–82. 21 See A. D’Amato ‘Peace vs accountability in Bosnia’, American Journal of International Law, 88 (1994), 500–6; A. J. Colson, ‘The logic of peace and the logic of justice’, International Relations, 15: 1 (2000), 51–62; Symposium: ‘State reconstruction after civil conflict’, American Journal of International Law, 95 (2001), 1–119. 22 See G. Schwarzenberger, International Law as Applied by International Courts and Tribunals, vol. 2: Armed Conflict (London: Stevens, 1968), pp. 462

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
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Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
Heloise Brown

The campaigns for an immediate and absolute rejection of all war, and for the eventual abolition of war through a strengthened international system, overlapped significantly in the British peace movement, particularly in their relations with the feminist movement.12 For simplicity, the term ‘pacifism’ is used here in its original broad meaning, to encompass ‘the renunciation of war by the individual, at least implicitly’, and the willingness to challenge ‘military approaches’ and to develop ‘alternatives such as negotiation, . . . nonviolent action, and

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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Heloise Brown

nationalist and imperialist ideas. This book has sought to demonstrate that there were distinct pacifist feminist arguments from as early as the 1870s. Henrietta Müller’s Women’s Penny Paper and Florence Fenwick Miller’s Woman’s Signal advanced ideas which connected women’s suffrage and the advent of peaceable international relations, for example in assertions that ‘there is more international feeling between the women of the world at present than between any section of men’. Fenwick Miller’s ideas of ‘a sisterhood of women’ which ‘must make for peace and for union

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’