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Respectable resistance (coups de gueule polis)

protests as resistance; in one instance they described protests as ‘open revolt’.28 The belief that French notables were engaged in a process of deliberate obstruction, an attempt at slowing down decisions and policy implementation, may have been justified. It is plausible that this was a key motive behind notable protests and other aspects of notable relations with the occupiers. Notables mention this explicitly only rarely.29 Such opposition took place in the Second World War and is described by François Marcot as ‘administrative braking [freinage]’, although he

in The experience of occupation in the Nord, 1914– 18
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Visions of history, visions of Britain

energy nor inclination for new, large-scale projects. 2 Speculation about what James might have written about Britain and Britishness may have its value. But in the absence of that imaginary seminal work British Civilisation , I shall try here to reconstruct the more fragmentary but important things James did say about Britain, Britishness and their relations to

in West Indian intellectuals in Britain

This book examines the payment systems operating in British hospitals before the National Health Service (NHS). An overview of the British situation is given, locating the hospitals within both the domestic social and political context, before taking a wider international view. The book sets up the city of Bristol as a case study to explore the operation and meaning of hospital payments on the ground. The foundation of Bristol's historic wealth, and consequent philanthropic dynamism, was trade. The historic prominence of philanthropic associations in Bristol was acknowledged in a Ministry of Health report on the city in the 1930s. The distinctions in payment served to reinforce the differential class relations at the core of philanthropy. The act of payment heightens and diminishes the significance of 1948 as a watershed in the history of British healthcare. The book places the hospitals firmly within the local networks of care, charity and public services, shaped by the economics and politics of a wealthy southern city. It reflects the distinction drawn between and separation of working-class and middle-class patients as a defining characteristic of the system that emerged over the early twentieth century. The rhetorical and political strategies adopted by advocates of private provision were based on the premise that middle-class patients needed to be brought in to a revised notion of the sick poor. The book examines why the voluntary sector and wider mixed economies of healthcare, welfare and public services should be so well developed in Bristol.

Guerrilla nursing with the Friends Ambulance Unit, 1946–48

portrait. Acculturation occurs differently for everyone. Moreover, feminist international relations scholars have recently cautioned against the assumption that ‘those from outside a particular state or region are “inauthentic knowers” and actors who cannot understand or share in struggles outside of locales from which they come’.95 Both nurses admired the Chinese people’s resilience and courage and in different ways viewed MT19 as ‘home’. But why did Margaret Stanley become a more effective cultural diplomat? Skilled cross-cultural brokers must balance ‘bridging social

in Colonial caring
Legality and legitimacy

new world order’, Vandenberg Journal of Transnational Law, 25 (1992), 151–82. 21 See A. D’Amato ‘Peace vs accountability in Bosnia’, American Journal of International Law, 88 (1994), 500–6; A. J. Colson, ‘The logic of peace and the logic of justice’, International Relations, 15: 1 (2000), 51–62; Symposium: ‘State reconstruction after civil conflict’, American Journal of International Law, 95 (2001), 1–119. 22 See G. Schwarzenberger, International Law as Applied by International Courts and Tribunals, vol. 2: Armed Conflict (London: Stevens, 1968), pp. 462

in Domestic and international trials, 1700–2000
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Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain

The campaigns for an immediate and absolute rejection of all war, and for the eventual abolition of war through a strengthened international system, overlapped significantly in the British peace movement, particularly in their relations with the feminist movement.12 For simplicity, the term ‘pacifism’ is used here in its original broad meaning, to encompass ‘the renunciation of war by the individual, at least implicitly’, and the willingness to challenge ‘military approaches’ and to develop ‘alternatives such as negotiation, . . . nonviolent action, and

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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nationalist and imperialist ideas. This book has sought to demonstrate that there were distinct pacifist feminist arguments from as early as the 1870s. Henrietta Müller’s Women’s Penny Paper and Florence Fenwick Miller’s Woman’s Signal advanced ideas which connected women’s suffrage and the advent of peaceable international relations, for example in assertions that ‘there is more international feeling between the women of the world at present than between any section of men’. Fenwick Miller’s ideas of ‘a sisterhood of women’ which ‘must make for peace and for union

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
British women in international politics

‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ 9 ‘A new kind of patriotism’? 1 British women in international politics P revious chapters have outlined the diverse contexts in which reformulations of patriotism and citizenship emerged. The feminist movement produced arguments based on ‘separate spheres’ ideologies which held that women’s contribution to the public sphere would bring an increased recognition of humanity in international relations. In contrast, peace workers such as Priscilla Peckover based their arguments on how a full understanding of pacifism would lead

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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transactions. A devaluation of sterling would disrupt the entire global economic system and, in turn, the international trading patterns of the United States. 45 Economic links between London and Washington were also strengthened, as the Foreign Office noted in 1964, by ‘important and close’ trade relations: the United States was ‘the most important single customer and supplier of the United Kingdom while the United Kingdom is the

in A ‘special relationship’?
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‘“United action” in Continental politics’

literature on the peace movement as little more than appendages to pacifist men. They have been linked with the 101 ‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ Peace Society in particular because of their personal perspectives of Quaker-influenced, Christian pacifism. As a result, the features that distinguished them from the central national and international organisations have been overlooked. Both women had strong opinions on peace issues, and struggled to make these heard within the Peace Society, the IAPA and the IPB. Ellen Robinson’s relations with the Peace Society are

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’