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Roman ‘tyranny’ and radical Catholic opposition

, overtly hostile relations with Rome could destabilize the complex and often fragile nature of political alliances in the peninsula. The Papal States – stretching from just above Pontecorvo south of Rome, sweeping north to cross the Appenines to Ascoli Piceno and up to Ferrara – constituted a geo-political entity of sufficient size that rulers of smallers independent states could not entirely ignore it. Thus, when circumstances were favourable the Curia could still act as at least a temporary focus for alliances, and thus exert influence within the peninsula. Some of the

in The Enlightenment and religion
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French clerical reformers and episcopal status

despite great sufferings, he wrote to Solminihac, and so, therefore, should their successors.87 These two churchmen also discussed current local, national and international ecclesiastical affairs, and exchanged information on persons and events, not least on the suitability of particular individuals for episcopal promotion. Solminihac’s relations with de Paul, Olier and other dévots meant that he shared their ideas about the sort of ‘apostolic men’ who should be raised to the episcopate. De Paul worked tirelessly, and with some success, to ensure that such worthy

in Fathers, pastors and kings
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the international ecclesiastical scene has not been investigated to any significant degree. For instance, political histories of seventeenth-century France routinely refer to the political functions of the episcopate, whose members, like François Faure of Amiens, acted as local power brokers, governing forces and even royal ministers.22 They rarely enquire about the elastic twists that many of them required of their consciences in order to reconcile their profane responsibilities with their role as spiritual officers of the ecclesiastical realm. Similarly, over the

in Fathers, pastors and kings

, attributes of both the first and second types may appear concomitantly in certain cases. ‘Civil society’ in Israel Research dealing in Israeli state–society relations and on the interrelations between these two as far back as the first days of its establishment consistently generates one conclusion: for a long period of time, the State of Israel has been distinguished by a ‘civil society’ reduced in scope and influence. The main explanation for civil society’s weakness in Israel is rooted, as put forward by Yishai, in the pre

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence

raise the hackles of its ‘perfidious’ and ‘turbulent’ bishops, and to leave his supporters feeling that the authority of ‘His Sanctity [is] ruined in this realm’.1 Contested boundaries offered fertile ground for the growth of suspicion, resentment and outright controversy. To a large extent, the disputes among the bishops, the papacy and the lower clergy represented three competing conceptions of the church, and crystallised opposing views of ecclesiastical government, discipline and hierarchy at local, national and international levels. Each party based its

in Fathers, pastors and kings

outcomes had profound implications for the chain of ecclesiastical government at every level of the Catholic church. Virtually every recent study of individual bishops and dioceses in France has catalogued instances of these recurrent disputes1 but, despite their collective importance, little effort has been made to place them within their national and international contexts, or to assess their accumulative impact on the French episcopate itself. Yet in studying the development of episcopal ideologies, it is hardly sufficient simply to treat particular squabbles within

in Fathers, pastors and kings
The social sphere

reflected the traditional Israeli orientation regarding the rightness of the path chosen by the nation’s leaders and the moral superiority of the Israeli side in the conflict. However, the most striking example of the defusing of the highly charged issue of the relations between Israel and the Arabs was ironically found in the optional topic ‘The Arabs in the State of Israel’. The three questions encountered by the Israeli student (see below) are an indication of how the Education Ministry in Israel could exclude substantial issues from the

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
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The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis

their struggle against extremist insurgents, whether speaking of political parties, social movements or individuals. This network of controls includes, inter alia, constitutions or statutes stipulating under what conditions partisan political activity can be restricted, as well as laws establishing which tools are legitimate and which are not, in instances of anti-governmental protestation such as incitement or subversive action. Included in this category are also those legal barriers regulating the relations among the different groups in society and, in particular

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence
The parliamentary arena

left the Diaspora? And who feels the pain of this abomination? That same prime minister and those same leaders of the country who cry out to the very heavens against assimilation abroad, yet fear to raise their voices against the plague of Jewish–Arab relations here in Israel, because these are our ‘goyim’ (gentiles) and in a ‘democratic’ country, it is forbidden to object to assimilation and uncleanliness … We, the Rabbi Meir Kahane and the Kach Movement, will avenge the honour of the Daughters of Israel. With the help of G–d, upon our election to Knesset, we will

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence