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Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
David M. Turner and Daniel Blackie

other hand, if British coalminers were admired for their physical prowess, the acquired diseases and injuries associated with their toils meant that many experienced some degree of impairment. Our evidence shows that rather than leaving the world of work, these ‘disabled’ miners were expected to return to productive employment if capable of doing so. Such workers were valued for their skills and experience, even more so when labour was scarce, such as during strikes. For much of our period, elements of the ‘somatic flexibility’ believed to have enabled disabled people

in Disability in the Industrial Revolution
Open Access (free)
David M. Turner and Daniel Blackie

, such as workplace health and safety regulations; age restrictions on when people can start work; and medical institutions catering for specific populations. Not only did disability become visible in its modern forms during the period, it also helped nineteenth-century Britons make sense of the momentous changes happening around them. The existence and experiences of chronically ill or maimed workers were regarded by many as proof of the evils of industrialism, providing a rallying call for the nascent labour movement and a rationale for worker-led campaigns and

in Disability in the Industrial Revolution
David M. Turner and Daniel Blackie

, Dalziel wrote, was so serious that it took two months after their return to work ‘before they could be said to have been restored to good working condition’.55 Late Victorian newspaper accounts of strikes sometimes depicted miners and their families as being so weak with hunger that they could not walk.56 Moreover, in an industry where the ‘seasoning’ of workers’ bodies was important to making them strong and flexible enough to cope with the rigours of underground labour, absence from work, whether voluntary or enforced, could result in reduced somatic capabilities. In

in Disability in the Industrial Revolution
Jonathan Colman

8 November that the UK proposal represented ‘a much more flexible and interested posture’ than the one that Labour had taken in opposition. 49 At the defence discussions at Chequers on 21–22 November Wilson soon obtained a mandate for the ANF. 50 However, on 19 November, Trend had told him of the continued vigorous support in the State Department for the MLF. 51 The main

in A ‘special relationship’?
Open Access (free)
Kjell M. Torbiörn

particularly impervious to the increased ‘flexibility’ sought by, for instance, the European Commission and the OECD. Longer-term prospects for the EU were not altogether bleak, however. Labour market reforms in the direction of greater flexibility were proceeding in many countries, setting an example to others. EU enlargement would increase trade and investment in the region and help to reduce the comparatively high unemployment rate in the new member countries. Finally, many more people in the EU would reach retirement age as from about 2010 and there would be fewer

in Destination Europe
David M. Turner and Daniel Blackie

. The nature of their bodily capacities was undoubtedly significant in this regard, but so too were the conditions and organisation of work set out earlier on in this chapter. These influenced the ‘somatic flexibility’ available in the industrial workplace and affected the ability of workers with impairments to participate in the labour force. The attitudes of employers and fellow workers were also important, as these could determine whether impaired mineworkers were actually welcome at mines or not. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries it was common to define

in Disability in the Industrial Revolution
George Campbell Gosling

than compensated for in terms of industrial diversity and economic flexibility. The economy of the Bristol region may not have grown as rapidly as many others in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but nor has it suffered the traumas of retrenchment that lately has afflicted so many British towns and cities. 13 This trend whereby Bristol was

in Payment and philanthropy in British healthcare, 1918–48
David M. Turner and Daniel Blackie

were lower in the mining districts of Northumberland, Cumberland, Durham and Cornwall than in other industrial areas or London. Compared to a national average of 28 out of every 10,000 persons committing property offences, the rate in these districts was merely 7 out of 10,000. This fact was explained by a relative lack of large towns in mining districts; the ‘primitive and simple habits’ of mineworkers and their families; and, above all, the constant ‘peril to life’ in underground labour, which served as a ‘quickener to the moral sense’. To ‘no class of men’, wrote

in Disability in the Industrial Revolution
Kirsti Bohata, Alexandra Jones, Mike Mantin and Steven Thompson

.3 This increase was matched by a corresponding rise in the labour force, and a little over a million men and boys, roughly a tenth of the entire occupied male population, were directly employed in the industry by that peak year of production in 1913.4 Yet these figures belie the enormous regional variations, as individual coalfields developed at varied rates as a result of the different coals found in each coalfield, the various markets for such coals and the particular activities of local industrialists. The ‘Great Northern Coalfield’, in Durham and

in Disability in industrial Britain