hierarchies with the aim of providing high
availability and security. I argue that data territorialisation
including national routing and storage requirements contributes to a
general trend of cyberspace centralisation. Furthermore, I analyse the
proposed changes to the Internet infrastructure with regard to power
Power and its analysis is an important part of mobility
Israeli security experience as an international brand
sociale geografie 96(5): 506.
Kimmerling, B., 1993.
‘Patterns of Militarism in Israel’, European Journal of
Sociology 34(2): 196–223.
Krahmann, E., 2008.
‘Security: Collective Good or Commodity?’, European
Journal of International Relations 14(3): 379–404.
Leander, A., 2005. ‘The
Market for Force and Public Security: The Destabilizing Consequences of
A discourse view on the European Community and the abolition of border controls in the second half of the 1980s
(Hajer 2000 : 138–9). For this chapter,
Castells’s terms help identify a field of power relations in which
the space of places, as embodied here by the sovereignty–territory nexus
and globalisation as the pinnacle of the space of flows, triggers a
productive tension in which new forms of governing become possible.
More concretely, the chapter examines how the abolition
Marie Beauchamps, Marijn Hoijtink, Matthias Leese, Bruno Magalhães and Sharon Weinblum
criminal, and the
terrorist – their movement is made possible by vastly immobile structures
such as runways, arrival and departure terminals, and entry and exit routes
to connecting cities (cf. Adey 2006b ). Approaching
mobility as sets of differentiated relations draws attention to how forms of
mobility and immobility are produced in an overlapping and productive manner
rather than as a dichotomy between the mobile and the
countries to the market economy and the information and communication
technologies revolution. The overwhelmingly optimistic or grandiose tone
of Urry’s ( 2000 ) bold manifesto to move
‘sociology beyond societies’ has been subsequently replaced,
however, by a more cautious understanding of how ‘mobility,
immobility and moorings’ are dialectally connected (Hannam et al.
2006 ). It would be easy to be
vanquished the Spanish fleet
in Manila Bay (1 May 1898), business journals switched their position,
pointing to the advantages of an independent Cuba. They toyed with colonies, an
isthmian canal and US presence in the Pacific, the very ideas previously derided.
The ‘fabled China market’ in particular loomed large, though some
authors have disputed this. 47 The
‘glut thesis’ prevailed, namely that a surplus of goods was piling up
in the US, which needed an outlet
’. Gorchakov’s lack of interest in anything related to the Ottoman
East left ample room for Ignatiev to try to forge his own vision of Russian foreign
policy in the region. 7 His various
diplomatic successes in Constantinople, where he served from 1864 until 1877, and
his good relations with Sultan Abdulaziz and various grand viziers, made him the
most powerful European diplomat at the Porte, hence the nickname Vice Sultan.
Ignatiev was convinced that the vital interests of
Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism
and resources away from the poor and to the elite.
This is not only an abstract system but also an ideology on how to
govern and administrate. As Chandra Mohanty ( 2013 : 970) writes, neoliberalism is marked ‘by market-based
governance practices on the one hand (the privatisation,
commodification, and proliferation of difference) and authoritarian,
national security-driven penal state practices on the other’. It
Public presence, discourse, and migrants as threat
arrival and presence is widely considered a serious security
problem. However, neither illegal migration nor (in)security issues are
natural phenomena. Migrant illegality is conceived here as a
historically formed social regime. It is a configuration dependent on
power relations and especially state power. It is dependent on the law,
which sets the criteria of legality and, in so doing, carves out the