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Negotiating sovereign claims in Oaxacan post-mortem repatriation
Lars Ove Trans

) as well as local, national and transnational communities who each seek to govern not only the whereabouts of the corpse but also the meaning of notions such as belonging, membership and obligation. In the case of Jacinto, the number of authorities involved had multiplied as in 1976, at the age of twenty-five, he decided to leave his home town of San Pedro Yalehua in search of more promising economic opportunities north of the US–Mexico border, thereby following in the footsteps of many of his fellow villagers and Oaxacans more generally. During the years in the

in Governing the dead
Open Access (free)
Finn Stepputat

, international peace missions and others who manage dead bodies in ways that overlap or conflict with legally institutionalised state practices. Thus, in general terms, the aim of this volume is to explore how the management of dead bodies is related to the constitution, territorialisation and membership of political and moral communities that enframe lives in various parts of the world. Unlike a previous wave of interest in the history of death 2 which during the 1980s focused on societal attitudes towards death and the effects of death in terms of interpersonal relations

in Governing the dead
Time and space in family migrant networks between Kosovo and western Europe
Carolin Leutloff-Grandits

applied to many migrants from the south of Kosovo, who went to Austria, Germany and Switzerland from the 1960s on. As a 50-year-old migrant I interviewed said in retrospect: ‘At that time there were no borders, but there was enough work.’2 The migrants remained an integral part of their home village and family, at least in a functional sense. Their continued membership in multiple, patrilinear organised households, which had been widespread in this region before the 1990s, transgressed spatial borders and blurred the geographical boundaries of the village. Before the

in Migrating borders and moving times
Ideology, physical destruction, and memory
Rémi Korman

rye zakwirwamo akabona kwemererwa kuba umuyoboke w’iryo shya’ (‘When someone asked for a CDR membership card, they would stick two fingers into each of his nostrils and, if they went in, he would be accepted as a member of the party’). It should be noted that a certain degree of humour surrounds these questions, of a type similar to kinship jokes. Kinship jokes, a classic object of anthropological study, are social practices which allow members of a family, or of different clans or peoples, to mock one another without causing offence. Few studies have been devoted

in Destruction and human remains
Zaira Lofranco

should have been isomorphic. In wartime in-group and out-group membership was based on ethnic identity and was embedded in a new way of thinking in quantitative terms about majority/security and minority/insecurity (Jansen 2005; Appadurai 1998, 2006) aimed to convey social interaction in circumscribed and ethnic homogeneous contexts. Knowledge of a neighbour’s ethnic identity became crucial to personal safety. Fieldwork carried out after the war revealed that people had detailed knowledge of the ethnic identity of their new neighbours and everyone I asked about the

in Migrating borders and moving times
Open Access (free)
Tracing relatedness and diversity in the Albanian–Montenegrin borderland
Jelena Tošić

highly integrative local acceptance of diversity along the Albanian–Montenegrin border region? Both Montenegro and Albania have entered the process of EU accession with its emphasis on multiculturalism and minority rights. Apart from bringing national legislation into line with the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the ratification of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM), the two countries’ overall progress towards membership of the EU and their implementation of the FCNM in particular are regularly monitored. My

in Migrating borders and moving times
Open Access (free)
Deaths at sea and unidentified bodies in Lesbos
Iosif Kovras and Simon Robins

-governmental organization (NGO) activist stressed: the question of the dead is the most appalling spectacle I have ever seen, because I visualized the death and what it means not to be able to cross the border. So, the theoretical framework about walls, securitization, acquires a new dimension when you see decomposed bodies. Even more tragic is the fact that you cannot bury them as they deserved to be buried and that no one could identify them. The sovereign state has physical boundaries – the border – but also political and legal boundaries – membership, largely defined by citizenship

in Migrating borders and moving times
Contested narratives of the independence struggle in postconfl ict Timor-Leste
Henri Myrttinen

by the silent but heavy shadow of obligation seemingly cast upon the living by the fallen resistance heroes and victims of the occupation to make their sacrifices worthwhile. The feelings of frustration with the unfulfilled promises of the post-conflict settlement and of continued struggle also flow into the various disaffected MAGs and RAGs (such as the above-mentioned Colimau 2000) and veterans’ organisations such as the CPD-RDTL and Sagrada Familia. Though in part very different in their respective outlooks, forms of organisation and age of membership, these

in Governing the dead
Open Access (free)
Theoretical approaches
Finn Stepputat

terms of rank, status and membership. As Hertz noted, ‘[t]he emotion aroused by death varies extremely in intensity according to the social status of the deceased, and may even in certain cases be lacking. At the death of a chief, or a man of high standing a true panic sweeps over the group. On the contrary, the death of a stranger, a slave or a child will go almost unnoticed; it will arouse no emotion, occasion no ritual’ (Hertz 1960: 76). Capturing the sense of indeterminacy and danger, Hertz’s classical account of rituals of death and reburial depicts death as a

in Governing the dead
Kathryn Cassidy

trading in the Ukrainian–Romanian borderlands The Ukrainian–Romanian border can be seen to represent what classically has been termed the emergence of the ‘golden curtain’ (Allina-Pisano 2009) in Europe, i.e. the appearance of new inequalities between those post-socialist/post-Soviet countries, which have or have not achieved greater integration within the global economy primarily through membership of the European Union (EU). In the Ukrainian community of Diyalivtsi, which is only 1 km from the Romanian border and just 4 km from the region’s major road crossing with

in Migrating borders and moving times