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A bounded security role in a greater Europe

yesteryear have become ‘European national parties’ as they enter into domestic coalitions that barely move from centre left to centre right. As Europe expands to the east, criteria of membership are comparable to the criteria that were implicitly outlined earlier for the Euro-Atlantic community, including democratic structures, market economy and the ability to compete. For 50 years, the United States remodelled the countries of western Europe to its image, and now it is their turn to refashion eastern Europe to that new image. Some ambivalence remains, however. A united

in Limiting institutions?
New threats, institutional adaptations

neighbours even at the risk of being exploited: security free-riding by these nations poses a lesser threat to the NATO states than does the re-emergence of authoritarian regimes or economic collapse that could disrupt the reconciliation of the two halves of Europe. This change in the perception of threat is illustrated by: the transformation of NATO into a political alliance encompassing both halves of Europe; the creation of the NATO–Russian Council that may be the first step towards full Russian membership in NATO; the Ukrainian application for NATO membership, which

in Limiting institutions?

: historical constitution and normative qualities. The first marker includes claims about who belongs to the group or on what objective social basis the nation coheres; that is, particular ethnic versus all-inclusive civic identity as the basis of citizenship – membership may be defined in terms of specific markers such as language or religion which are more inclusive than ethnicity. Such criteria are more restrictive than a civic identity, which would apply to anyone born within the geographic boundaries of the state. However it is defined, national identity competes with

in Limiting institutions?

Joseph Kruzel, deputy assistant secretary of defence for Europe and NATO, and General John Shalikashvili, chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, who had served previously as NATO supreme allied commander of Europe. Though the initial demand for PfP reflected a desire to provide a short-term alternative to expanding NATO’s membership, the concept eventually evolved so that it truly changed early post-Cold War thinking about multilateral European security cooperation. At its core, the PfP is premised on a belief that the more civilian strategists and military operators

in Limiting institutions?

underdevelopment. Despite these fluid boundaries, the motivations underpinning Mai Mai militias and their support illustrate that resistance is defined by a context of domination. Even so, examining more carefully to what extent popular militias have a popular membership is imperative to analysing them as tools of everyday resistance in a peacebuilding context. The popular element in the Mai Mai militias This book has been arguing that everyday resistance is better conceived as an activity of subordinate groups. Not only is this a closer application of the everyday framework

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making
The dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia

security.22 In Eurasia, the security dilemma drives the nature of state choices for international cooperation. Eurasia is also, however, a region where the status quo has not been changed by deep military alignments or security cooperation. The variations in institutional form illustrate that states are primarily signalling their security concerns via institutional membership choices. While such security cooperation is not deeply ingrained, it could become so in the future. Thus the dynamics of multilateralism in Eurasia do provide a framework for understanding the

in Limiting institutions?
What contribution to regional security?

for full membership. The BSEC was not a marriage born of mutual empathy, but an arranged marriage reflecting a confluence of the individual states’ common needs, problems and objectives that signalled a new era for the region. It was the first time that 11 countries stretching from the Caspian to the Adriatic adhered to the same institutional framework. As diverse as their individual motivations might have been, the prime objective for joining BSEC was their 208 2504Chap11 7/4/03 12:41 pm Page 209 The Black Sea Economic Cooperation greater integration into the

in Limiting institutions?
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

peace and security, in a way that was not perhaps incompatible with the original intent of the Charter. For several years, the Cold War prevented the increase of UN membership. 39 Membership increased from the original 51 to 76 in the first decade, and then to 118 in the second decade. All of the new members between 1945 and 1955 were from either the Asia-Pacific region or

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

specifically endorsed by the Security Council, it would enjoy considerable support from the UN membership, and attract favourable comments: ‘The functions being discharged by UNAVEM II at the present time, although they do differ from those in its original mandate, are a vital factor in the peacemaking process.’ 49 The electoral process was supported by technical assistance provided by UNDP experts and

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change

membership. The United States had to be particularly careful not to offend the Turkish side publicly. 22 A second American consideration was the necessity to counter the Soviet rhetoric of ‘NATO aggression’. As the leader of NATO, the United States could not permit Turkey or Britain to be labelled aggressors. NATO’s prestige was at stake. Yet another reason for the slight American tendency to support Turkey

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change