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Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

the economy and the political and legal systems. 15 Underpinning this was an informal pledge of eventual EU membership providing that the country avoided instability and conflict and maintained its ‘European orientation’. 16 The military forces in Macedonia since August 2001 had, it is true, been organised and commanded within a NATO framework. On the other hand, the personnel were almost exclusively European. In the first

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds
Eşref Aksu

peace and security, in a way that was not perhaps incompatible with the original intent of the Charter. For several years, the Cold War prevented the increase of UN membership. 39 Membership increased from the original 51 to 76 in the first decade, and then to 118 in the second decade. All of the new members between 1945 and 1955 were from either the Asia-Pacific region or

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

treated Russia as a full and equal partner in its efforts to tackle the Kosovo crisis. Indeed, Russia’s role and input had been greater than that of most NATO members, due to its status on the Security Council and membership of the Contact Group. Subsequently, however, the Russians scarcely helped their own cause – or the UN’s – by making clear that they would, under no circumstances, entertain any possibility of approving

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Eşref Aksu

specifically endorsed by the Security Council, it would enjoy considerable support from the UN membership, and attract favourable comments: ‘The functions being discharged by UNAVEM II at the present time, although they do differ from those in its original mandate, are a vital factor in the peacemaking process.’ 49 The electoral process was supported by technical assistance provided by UNDP experts and

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Eşref Aksu

membership. The United States had to be particularly careful not to offend the Turkish side publicly. 22 A second American consideration was the necessity to counter the Soviet rhetoric of ‘NATO aggression’. As the leader of NATO, the United States could not permit Turkey or Britain to be labelled aggressors. NATO’s prestige was at stake. Yet another reason for the slight American tendency to support Turkey

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Lessons for critical security studies?
Emmanuel-Pierre Guittet

in the context of new EU membership, but also in the context of partial accession of states and of the more recent implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), has been crucial in redirecting mobility to the core of critical security studies (Jeandesboz 2014 ). Finally, any discussion of the place of mobility in the critical security literature would be unsatisfactory if there was no

in Security/ Mobility
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

country pulls its own weight and in which each carries the weight to which it is entitled. 11 The Economist ’s editorial writers were clearly making the assumption that the Atlantic Community equated to the membership of NATO and that NATO was its organisational manifestation. NATO was not, therefore, simply a military alliance. It was more fundamentally, a sharing of

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

On occasion, the full NATO membership in the NAC may simply not have been asked for a decision. The British House of Commons Select Committee on Defence concluded that this had been the case with regard to at least one key issue. ‘We were told’, a report noted: that the [NATO] Secretary General authorised the transition from Phase 1 to Phase 2 on 27 th March. To have

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Eşref Aksu

. The creation of the so-called Conciliation Commission is important in two respects. First, it highlights the belief of the UN membership that the internal and external aspects of the ongoing crisis were distinct from each other. Secondly, it confirms that the majority of members eventually prescribed a role for the UN beyond protection of ‘external’ sovereignty. This point has serious implications for

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
Security/ Mobility and politics of movement
Marie Beauchamps, Marijn Hoijtink, Matthias Leese, Bruno Magalhães and Sharon Weinblum

distribution’. Consider, for instance, the practices at border checkpoints and airports: depending on factors such as citizenship, job status, travel history, membership of a frequent flyer club, or even a trusted traveller status that usually includes some form of security clearance, people will be treated in ways that are highly contingent on imaginaries of threat. As Robert Pallitto and Josiah Heyman ( 2008 : 319) observe, ‘security technologies

in Security/ Mobility