Search results

what’s happening around the world today as if there haven’t been people… theorising racism, nationalism, empire and gender for a century and warning of exactly what we see now.’ Moulded by Eurocentric knowledge systems, most of us react to such developments with utter shock. We – an imagined citizenry of respectable democracies – are horrified and appalled at how far we have been dragged from our liberal, more-or-less progressive self-image. And we are invited to consider whether we might be witnessing the end of the liberal humanitarian order

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

safe, logoed, glitzy and smart. Besides establishment acceptance, humanitarian innovation draws positivity from its disavowal of past failures and commitment to a future of ‘failing-forward in a spirit of honesty’ ( HPG, 2018 : 132). Transparency regarding current systemic ‘pathologies’ like institutionalising self-interest or neglecting the agency of the disaster-affected ( ibid .: 22–3) is part of the self-cleansing necessary to birth a humanitarianism 2.0. This paper, however, questions whether humanitarian innovation can be any more effective

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement

engagement. However, our comparative approach also illustrates how, across the three countries, social life, communal trust and political legitimacy worked around, through and in conflict with formal and informal community engagement interventions and local leadership structures. The narratives we present below reveal the restricted range of options for humanitarian NGOs and state representatives in encounters, which can have significant consequences both for communities and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

violence. Despite the same broad objective, two distinct labels are used – ‘civilian protection’ and ‘staff security’ – and each designates a distinct set of policies and practices. Starting from the perspective that the reasons for such a distinction are not self-evident, the current article seeks to draw attention to the differences between staff-security and civilian-protection strategies, and to stimulate a conversation about the extent to which the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

and its associated population of access to healthcare ( Rubenstein and Bittle, 2010 ; International Committee of the Red Cross, 2011 ). This article attempts to present a more complex picture and broaden understanding of the issue by providing a detailed narrative of episodes of violence affecting MSF-supported health structures, one that contextualises these violent incidents with regard for the dynamics of conflict in South Sudan as well as MSF

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
The nature of the development-security industry

conceptualisation of the conflict and conflict economies, and the preference for apolitical narratives which have been shown to suit the ideological agenda of the DSI. Despite war economies being closely associated with the above debate, other approaches to conflict have also stressed the importance of these economies in conflict dynamics in ways which seek to address the critiques of economic-centric approaches, whilst also accepting the importance of economic factors. Research surrounding the concept of ‘complex political emergencies’ (CPEs) has been particularly useful in

in Building a peace economy?
Open Access (free)
Liberal reform and the creation of new conflict economies

justly governed. Whether that governance is in the form of privatisation or other resource management schemes such as those discussed in Chapter 2, the logic is to extract the economic from the political to the degree that the economic benefits cannot be manipulated by elites or combatants for selfinterested political or economic gain. The goal is to ensure that the struggle over resources occurs in the regulated and ‘peaceful’ private sphere and not the complex and self-interested political sphere. In theory, these reforms are meant to act as a way of wresting control

in Building a peace economy?

– arguments in favor of their autonomy and statehood.’3 This chapter will focus on historical claims to self-rule and the ways that Croatian historians and historical narratives have tended to focus on questions of elite politics and sovereignty rather than the ethnic and linguistic claims expected by primordialists and articulated by sections of the contemporary Croatian nationalist movement.4 I am not arguing that contemporary Croatian national identity is primarily constituted by reference to claims to historical statehood. As I pointed out in the previous chapter, the

in The formation of Croatian national identity
Open Access (free)
Recognition, Vulnerability and the International

are, or ‘narrative imagination’ (Nussbaum 1997 : 9–11). The first capacity essential for cultivating humanity, Socratic self-examination, calls for a ‘life of questioning’ (Nussbaum 1997 : 21), whereby conventional beliefs and established traditions are subject to rigorous examination as we learn to think for ourselves. Nussbaum ( 1997 : 30) remarks that ‘the only kind of

in Recognition and Global Politics
Meanings, Limits, Manifestations

and concerns. Influenced by the thought of Nietzsche and Foucault, Butler contends that there is no subject or ‘self’ prior to discourse or narrative. Subjects are constituted as such through language governed by prevailing social norms. One implication of this argument is that it is impossible to escape gender perspectives in order to resist discrimination and exclusion because the self cannot be

in Recognition and Global Politics