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Introduction All over the globe, fascism, racism and xenophobic nationalism are resurfacing in what we once thought of as ‘respectable’ democracies. Following a particularly bleak weekend at the end of October 2018 (the election of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, reports of worsening famine in Yemen, Israeli bombardment of Gaza and the murder of eleven worshippers at a refugee-harbouring synagogue in Pittsburgh), my colleague Dr Sara Salem of the London School of Economics tweeted: ‘It’s difficult watching political scientists scrambling to understand

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
An Interview with Caroline Abu Sa’Da, General Director of SOS MEDITERRANEE Suisse

depoliticising effect. SOS is an emergency initiative that nonetheless provides opportunity for people who seek to engage politically. JF: The arrival of more than one and a half million refugees and migrants on the shores of Europe since 2015 has tested the idea of a ‘humanitarian Europe’. It has tested the self-identity of many Europeans. To what extent do these younger activists see their political engagement as part of a struggle against ethno-nationalisms to define European identity? CAS: Switzerland is interesting in this regard. During the Yugoslav

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Editor’s Introduction

countries ratified its charter in San Francisco. 3 In The Great Transformation , Karl Polanyi refers to a double movement that occurs in the development of the ‘Market Society’: marketisation is followed by popular attempts to secure greater social protection ( Polanyi, 1957 ). 4 Contrary to cosmopolitan hopes and expectations, globalisation itself has wrenched forth the forces of nationalism. Bibliography Anand , S. and Segal , P. ( 2014 ), ‘ The Global Distribution of Income ’, in Atkinson , A. and Bourguignon , F

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

reaffirm its calling, after a century of existence during which the national Red Cross societies had acted as political intermediaries for the states, whose auxiliaries they were – and still are – by statute. Simply repeating an assertion doesn’t make it a reality, however, and denying a contradiction doesn’t make it disappear; auxiliaries of the state serve the powers that be. The French Red Cross, for example, acted as a potent echo chamber for nationalism and its propaganda during the First World War ( Hutchinson, 1996 ), obediently carried out the orders of the Vichy

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
The international system and the Middle East

dependency relationships. To many Arabs and Muslims, the struggle with imperialism, far from being mere history, continues, as imperialism reinvents itself in new forms. The Middle East has become the one world region where anti-imperialist nationalism, obsolete elsewhere, remains alive and where an indigenous ideology, Islam, provides a world view still resistant to West-centric globalisation. This dynamic explains much of the international politics of the region. The age of imperialism and the imposition of the Middle East states system

in The international politics of the Middle East

expression has been officially manipulated and adapted to current social and political needs.12 At the same time a curious dualism is evident in the policies of the postSoviet states. Officially, exclusivist ethnic nationalism is rejected by all (with the partial exception of Armenia); instead tolerance is espoused and the dangers of ethnic extremism are repeatedly stressed in multinational states such as Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Russia. Yet in practice, in all of the Eurasian countries except Russia, national identity projects have been pursued predominantly in ethnic

in Limiting institutions?
Explaining foreign policy variation

, the Arabs could not wage war without Egypt or make peace without Syria. Yet this break with the radical past was much sharper in Egypt under Sadat than in Asad’s Syria and by 1980 they had become bitter rivals, as Egypt abandoned Nasser’s Arab nationalism, pursued a separate peace with Israel which ignored the touchstone of Arabism, the Palestine cause, and embraced alliance with America. Syria became the main standard bearer of Arab nationalism, was branded a rejectionist state in the West and remained locked in bitter conflict with Israel

in The international politics of the Middle East

The divergence of identity and territory: retarded nation-building? In the Westphalian model that European expansion ostensibly globalised, a relative congruence between identity and sovereignty, between nation and state, endows states and the states system with legitimacy. Social mobilisation creates, in modernising societies, receptivity to identification with larger communities – nations – potentially coterminous with a state; in an age of nationalism, such identity communities seek a state and state leaders seek to

in The international politics of the Middle East

ablaze was that Milosevic’s grab for Serb domination provoked a countervailing Croatian nationalism, which in turn led the Serbs of Croatia to fear ethnic cleansing or genocide by a neofascist Croatian regime. The Armenians of Mountainous Karabagh in Azerbaijan, similarly, feared a creeping ethnic cleansing or ‘white genocide’ as a result of continuing, long-term Azerbaijani discrimination, while their response – a secessionist movement – threatened the dismemberment of Azerbaijan. It is only in the context of such myths and fears that ethnic elites can mobilise

in Limiting institutions?

periodic clashes with neighbouring Arab countries which Israeli policy promoted had, however, the effect of inflaming and spreading Pan-Arab nationalism which preached the idea of a common Arab nation united against Israel and its Western backers. They contributed to the rise of more radical governments more motivated and better equipped to confront Israel, and made trusteeship of the Palestine cause a prize sought by states vying for Pan-Arab leadership (Brecher 1972: 251–90: Roberts 1990: 17–21; Smith 1996: 157–9; Walt 1987: 57). From oligarchic

in The international politics of the Middle East