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An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

of power in the international system, the construction of a more democratic global order; and, on the other, the promotion of an ethical order associated explicitly with human rights, which included the fight against hunger – the product of a policy of ‘non-indifference’, to use your phrase. CA: Sure, there was. And I was often criticised. But in fact many of the critiques came from outside Brazil and were to do with the way we approached human rights – to do with our good relations with Iran, for example. There was a tension, but I don’t think

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Focus on Community Engagement
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye

, 2015 ; Richardson et al. , 2016 ; Wilkinson and Fairhead, 2017 ). Externally imposed structural adjustment in the 1980s hollowed out all (non-military) essential state functions. This, in turn, transformed citizens’ relation to and expectations of the postcolonial state and its legitimacy. Exacerbated by experiences of conflict and instability, weak health sectors and economies and an eroded social contract set the foundations for the crisis of 2014. The place of these countries in

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Recognition, Vulnerability and the International
Kate Schick

an oppositional attitude to, those norms which have carried non-reflective, non-self-critical individuals – perhaps even themselves – into collective blindness.’ Foremost among those norms are the prioritization of self-advantage and coldness or indifference to others. An education for resistance, or ‘knocking things down’ (Adorno and Becker 1999 : 31), encourages students to

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Reasonable tolerance
Catriona McKinnon and Dario Castiglione

modern toleration seems to lie the prudential maxim of indifference to others: ‘live and let live’; or perhaps the more guarded version: ‘good fences make good neighbours’. Slowly, but decidedly, the assimilationist drive that characterised the formation of nation-states across the modern world has been reversed because of pressures from both within and without. For better or for worse, the barriers of the private sphere have been weakened, if not entirely dismantled, which opens up the operations of personal and private life to the uncomfortable scrutiny of the public

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Open Access (free)
Some philosophical obstacles and their resolution
David Heyd

to competing points of view. There is a point in both the accusations of liberals and those of religious fundamentalists: the one group is psychologically MCK11 1/10/2003 10:35 AM Page 203 David Heyd 203 inclined to dogmatic and intolerant attitudes; the other to scepticism, pluralism, and indifference. But of course there is no symmetry between the two: non-liberal systems of values can do without the principle of toleration; they advocate the principle of compromise in its stead, and they do so without compromising in a deep sense their commitment to their

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Open Access (free)
Evil, Genocide and the Limits of Recognition
Patrick Hayden

world, a world that is then defined by its rigid non-relation (or absolute opposition) to those others who are perceived as if they should not be (Hegel 2004 : Introduction; Hegel 1967 : §341–60). In political terms, what should be a ‘unified’ social world is hollowed out by evil that instead ‘substitutes a void’ (Hegel 1967 : §140). Evil, then, is not simply indifference

in Recognition and Global Politics
Meanings, Limits, Manifestations
Patrick Hayden and Kate Schick

third term of a common world. On this account, evil is not simply indifference towards others, nor is it a struggle resulting in the mere submission of the other, but it is the ‘voiding’ – literally, the annihilation to non-existence – of a shared world that is both the constitutive ground and the affirmative outcome of mutual recognition itself. Hayden finishes by considering some of the ways that

in Recognition and Global Politics
Structures and spaces
Nüket Kardam and Selma Acuner

commitments, usually not backed by realistic resource allocations. This has meant that NWMs and many women’s non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have turned to international donor agencies for funding. But the reliance on donor funding has also proved to be a double-edged sword. The objectives of international donors may conflict with the objectives of the recipients, in this case bureaucracies that receive funding for gender-related projects. While the donors attempt to ensure appropriate performance, the recipients wish to maximize their autonomy and resources

in Mainstreaming gender, democratizing the state?
Open Access (free)
Their basis and limits
Catriona McKinnon

demand uniform courses of action across time and space. A theory of rights should allow for a distinction between universal rights and special rights. Universal rights are had by every person with the characteristics providing a basis for rights; special rights are had by a person in virtue of something that distinguishes him or her from other persons. The most common example of a universal right is the right to non

in Political concepts
Open Access (free)
A former founding father in search of control
Ben J.S. Hoetjes

and political participation in the 1980s, European integration became a matter of ‘positive indifference’. After the end of the Cold War, ideological controversies subsided, or virtually disappeared. The public at large lost interest in politics altogether. Only very down-to-earth and close-tohome issues such as safety in the streets, the stock exchange, career openings, private business, etc. could draw the public’s attention. Against this ‘post-modern’ background, the mid-1990s showed more 2444Ch13 3/12/02 316 2:05 pm Page 316 Member States and the European

in Fifteen into one?