Health as moral economy in the long nineteenth century
explore how social and professional structures affect the expression of affliction and perhaps the experience of it too.
Some voicings of pain bring sympathy and soup. Others bring indifference, impatience, or contempt (especially if there are significant costs in responding to my whining). In that case I may learn to deny or suppress those pains.
Of the seven parts of this chapter, the first four are foundation, the next two application, and the last an assessment. My first task is to expand
exposed to “education” and were still non-compliant could still be depicted as “apathetic”. Similarly, the Ministry accepted that lower immunisation rates were a predictable and rational response to the decline of the disease. Moreover, interactions between authorities and the public showed that there were other costs and risks associated with immunisation that informed parents’ decisions about their children's health.
Despite this subjective and vague notion of apathy, the Ministry of Health felt that it would undermine the immunisation programme
The cultural construction of opposition to immunisation in India
Haffkine was based in India from 1893, where he tested vaccines against cholera
and plague. 8
Indians often reacted to vaccination with indifference or
resistance. Some might have rejected it, because it was foreign and unknown or
because it was seen as secular rival to the religiously inscribed practice of
variolation. In such instances, vaccination might have served as ‘a site
conscientious doctor who had acted
‘within the professionally accepted limits of paediatric practice’.62
Arthur also received public support from Jonathan Glover, who
wrote in the London Review of Books that ‘a verdict of guilty
would have been a morally undeserved calamity’.63 Glover used
the Arthur case to reiterate the main points of his 1977 book
Causing Death and Saving Lives, exploring the moral implications
of non-treatment and promoting the benefits of ‘applied ethics’.
He stressed that deciding whether or not to treat disabled babies
was ‘not simply a legal or
risks and benefits of MMR through a new website called ‘MMR The Facts’. 113 Hosted on the nhs.uk domain, it used an interactive map feature to show how MMR was used safely across the world. Britain's place as a modern nation in a global public health network was an important selling point. According to NHS information, only less-developed and obscure nations did not trust MMR. The map also provided ample statistics on MMR usage in different countries, and how many cases statistical modelling estimated could be prevented if non-adopting nations were to use the vaccine
diary of Lady Julia Inglis, considered
the ‘burra-mem’ or first lady of Lucknow as she was married to the
garrison commander, records that there were 220 women present
on 16 August. That figure was recorded after two long months of
siege and disease, and does not take into account the large number
of Eurasian women present.6 In fact, at the beginning of the siege
there were close to 3,000 non-military residents within the Lucknow
perimeter (European, native Indian or Eurasian in origin) and 600 of
these were women.7 Claudia Klaver has explored the explanation for