and canals to a functionalist cityscape that privileged automobile
access. Such urban planning was antithetical to a built environment that
bred neighborhood cohesion and gezelligheid , a Dutch term that
vaguely translates as warm coziness, with connotations of nostalgia and
In terms of the squatters movement, the Nieuwmarkt
campaign enabled the squatters to transition from disparate groups that
existed simultaneously to a network of interdependent squatters groups.
Marie Beauchamps, Marijn Hoijtink, Matthias Leese, Bruno Magalhães and Sharon Weinblum
movement, to origins, destinations,
and directions, to means and methods of movement, and many more. But let us
first look at how critical security studies have engaged mobility.
If we were to pick one major theme, it would probably be that a
main characteristic of the current politics of security is that it thrives
on the openness of our times. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault ( 2007 ; 2008 ) who argued that
racist elements are encountered within the movement
but remain adamant that this does not mean the movement itself is racist. They
point to the commitment to ‘kicking out racists’ and to making the movement
‘open to all’ (regardless of colour, ethnicity, faith, gender and sexuality) as evidence of this aspiration. Central to respondents’ understanding of the movement’s
non-racism is its hostility towards traditional far right parties (especially the BNP).
At the individual level, activists construct a non-racist self by mobilising a
narrow definition of racism as
The past, present and future of the English Defence League
, promos for forthcoming demos or home videos of local divisions ‘on tour’
as part of a bonding practice that sustains the EDL’s ‘one big family’ ethos (see
However, social media is also a double-edged sword. While it has allowed
the movement to generate and maintain extensive grassroots networks (Jackson,
Loud and proud: passion and politics in the EDL
2011b: 72), it opens the movement to ‘trolls’ and other dangerous beasts and
is frequently the place where internal squabbles are played out in a destructive
manner. Kane had stopped accessing Facebook
accidental releases’ (OIE 2015: 3).
Handling the tension
The tension between protecting health through access to pathogens and
open communication of research results and protecting health by restricting
Scientific freedom–responsibility and biosecurity
access to pathogens and associated data and knowledge with misuse potential
is being addressed within these organisations and by states parties to the
BWC. In their responses to the misuse potential of work involving pathogens,
in recent years they have placed increasing emphasis on the responsibilities
. (2015), ‘Why it’s time to publish research “failures”.
Publishing bias favors positive results; now there’s a movement to change that’,
Elsevier, https://www.elsevier.com/connect/scientists-we-want-your-negativeresults-too (last accessed 27 October 2017).
Kirwan Institute (2014), State of the Science: Implicit Bias Review, http://
accessed 27 October 2017).
Lewis, D. W. (2012), ‘The inevitability of openaccess’, College & Research Libraries,
McDowell, G. S., Gunsalus, K. T
Sabina Siebert, Robert Insall and Laura M. Machesky
commercial publishers has been unexpectedly
large and has led to criticism about ‘double dipping’ by journals
that charge authors for openaccess to their publications, then charge
libraries for subscriptions.
Although many fully open-access journals, including PLOS Biology
and eLife, have gained prestige, the attempts to break the commercial
stranglehold of the big brands have so far failed – at least according
to one editor:
The main interest for me would be all the openaccessmovement,
all of the Wellcome Trust and Howard Hughes funding, eLife, and
trying to break the
Front mean that racist elements are encountered within the movement
but remain adamant that this does not signal that the movement itself is racist.
Implying that racism has become ‘stuck’ to the organisation rather than the beliefs
and actions of its members, its former Chair notes that ‘until I joined the EDL,
I never had to … say “I’m not racist”’ (Eddowes, 2015). EDL activists articulate
their conviction that the movement is ‘not racist’ through three main narratives:
the commitment to kicking out racists; the openness of the EDL to all (regardless of colour
Transgressing the cordon sanitaire: understanding the English Defence League as a social movement
relation to empirical evidence of rising ‘Islamophobia’ among the
wider UK population. The chapter describes the ethnographic approach adopted
in the book, which is distinguished by a focus not on organisational structure and
ideology but individual activists. The analytic emphasis on the meanings individuals attach to activism, it is argued, not only brings insight into how politics
Loud and proud: passion and politics in the EDL
and passion are intertwined in the movement but, in so doing, may open avenues
for challenging prejudices and stereotypes that constrain
The ethics and politics of research with the ‘far right’
them on a train at 1 a.m. [because it would be cheaper] …
The four of us have family to get back to though and we show each other photos
of our kids on our phones. I remember that Jack always takes a present back for
his daughter. … He hasn’t managed to this time … When they get off at [names
neighbouring city], Jack gives me a big hug and says ‘You’re one of the boys now’.
(Field diary, 1 September 2012)
may say more about the EDL as a movement than about my research practice.
Moreover, openness and lack of hostility are not necessarily benign; motivations